Editor for this issue: Karen Milligan <karen
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Have I been dreaming all this time and the year is 1943 or 44? No, it can't be, because generative phonology was mentioned, and that was invented in the 60s. I never thought I would see anybody advocating autonomous phonemics in the year 2000. To me the best foundation for the best discovery procedure possible in phonology, given the state of our knowledge about cognition, computation, and yes,phonetics, is for someone to learn the language well and then become a theoretical phonologist interested, not in grouping sounds into classes (by pretending to start from the sounds while knowing all the time that the sounds are parts of meaningful units called morphemes and words) but in proposing models that attempt to answer, among others, the question of how we recognize physically different sequences of sounds ***as the same word***, even though the identity of the sounds has been distorted to the point of not being pronounced at all (deletion) or pronounced with gestures that make them identical to sounds with which they contrast distinctively under non-distortive conditions (assimilation). We should not try to find out what the phonemes of the language are starting from the sounds: biuniqueness is not an inviolate constraint of any known human language and using minimal pairs is cheating because you are assuming that sounds are part of words but you said you were starting from the sounds. Rather, we should find out what phonemes are starting from the lexical units, then see what happens to them under conditions of distortions, and then propose a theory of what mediates between lexical units and their physical realizations. The theory certainly should not be classical generative phonology, but that is a straw man that no serious phonologist I know, or know of, is trying to prop up. Jorge Guitart State University of New York at BuffaloMail to author|Respond to list|Read more issues|LINGUIST home page|Top of issue
My message of January 3, posted this morning (Jan. 25), was unfor- tunately corrupted in transmission. (I sent myself a trial version and checked it, but the submitted version somehow got frostbite, I guess.) Here are the missing portions, with minimal context before and after. [Garbled or omitted from near beginning of message:] .... >From a recent children'9s book on dinosaurs: "_Allosaurus_ comes from the Greek words allo- 'leaping' and saur- 'liz- ard', so _allosaurus_ means 'leaping lizard'!". [Close, but no cigar: the author here must have looked in a dic- tionary of Ancient Greek but missed the rough breathing of _ha'llomai_ 'I leap' (inf. _hale'sthai_), although smooth breathings (with no initial aspirate) are found for this verb in Epic (e.g., Homeric) Greek. Unfortunately, allo- phones can't be 'leaping sounds' unless metathesis is in- volved.] 0.2 Hugh Buckingham (Linguist List Vol-10-1876) encouraged teachers to "tell the students to look up... allo- in the dictionary...[, w]here it says 'closely related...[, in] a group whose members together constitute a structural unit...['; o]nly then, are the students ready to get it...[:] al- lo- has no special use for things like -phones..., but... for grouping within [all] categories, and the categories can be many...[;] you can find many more allo-s in classificatory science". Unfortunately, looking in "the" dictionary leads, in the case of the widely used _Merriam-Webster Collegiate Dictionary_ (10th ed.), to the finding that a meaning something like 'involving members of a group which together constitute a structural unit (especially of language)' is given third. The very first meaning given is a rather non-allophone-like sense that is approximately as follows: all(o)- 'other, different, atypi- cal' (still, the next sense is more allophone-like: 'isomeric in form [for a specified chemical compound]'). After all, Greek allo- is cognate with Latin alien-us, and you can hardly make something sound more 'exclusionarily different' to students' ears than the latter term does. And the examples that follow again include some exclusionary-sound scien- tific terms (rather than collusionary, as our allophones are).... [Garbled or omitted from near end of message:] .... And, to take off from Picard's query about English flapping, which provoked at least one strong response arguing that this process is assim- ilatory: does the same answer hold for British (and American -- e.g., New York City) dialects that glottalize where (other) American English tends to flap? (E.g., in Joseph Greenberg's iconic pronunciation of the word _glottalization_.) Admittedly, a glottal stop is perhaps not the ulti- mate obstruent, but is it really more assimilated than a [t]? Then there are varieties of English which preglottalize in a word like _back_ (so that some such speakers even show glottal intrusion when speaking French, as in a word like _avec_) -- again, is this assimilatory? In short, does the commitment to assimilation (as a putative character- istic of all [non-elsewhere?] co-allophones) that seems to be so strong among recent respondents represent a hypothesis that has been rigor- ously tested through an active search for potential counterexamples, or is it more a matter of fervent belief, of concern for innocent language-ac- quiring children who might otherwise have to learn something whose degree of naturalness is neutral, rather than unmarked? Finally, according to Joaquim Branda~o de Carvalho [Linguist List Vol-10-1863]: In English, assimilation is involved in both (1) initial aspiration of stops (since stop voicelessness extends into a vowel, via a VOT lag) and (2) the final unrelease of stops that arises when a "final plosive is not aspirated because there is no vowel at its right, and therefore no pos- sibility of coarticulation". Now, the aspiration in question tends to be concentrated in stressed syllables, and not just word-initial ones, so it occurs in, e.g., _apophony_, _atrocity_, and _acropolis_. If there is something assimilatory and natural about aspiration's (VOT lag's) spreading into a following vowel, wouldn't we also expect to find medial consonant-lengthening, even to the point of gemination, into a following vowel, since this would, by parity of reasoning, al- so be assimilatory? (It could occur before diphthongs or long vow- els, for example, so that a decent syllable nucleus would still be left.) ....Mail to author|Respond to list|Read more issues|LINGUIST home page|Top of issue
At the risk of dragging this discussion on far beyond everyone's patience I'd like to respond to a few of Rich Janda's recent points. Specifically, I'd disagree with any view that suggests that all allophones are assimilatory. If we assume (as Stampe did within Natural Phonology and as I and others have done within some recent Cognitive Grammar (1) models) that phonemes are idealized targets (an idea that stems originally from Baudouin de Courtenay), then allophones are deviations from those targets that may occur either for assimilatory or for dissimilatory, specifically augmentative, purposes. Work by Ken de Jong has shown that extra careful, emphatic pronunciations constitute deviations toward more extreme positions, while casual pronunciations, as is well known, represent movements towards more central ones. Thus allophonic changes may be assimilatory (such as the labiodentalization of /p/ found in 'cupful', as discussed in the new Roca and Johnson text), dissimilatory (aspiration spreads voicelessness onto a neighboring voiced vowel), augmentative (making /l/ syllabic, as in 'Puh-lease!') or reductive (as in English flapping). Sounds can be foregrounded or backgrounded (to use Dressler's terminology) either with respect to their surroundings or absolutely. The conflict between these four competing forces is perfectly captured with the OT view of the world, incidentally, especially if we add the additional countervailing force to maintain the idealized target as is (Faithfulness). (1) References on my views of Cognitive Phonology available on request. Geoffrey S. Nathan Department of Linguistics Southern Illinois University at Carbondale Carbondale, IL, 62901-4517 Phone: (618) 453-3421 (Office) / FAX (618) 453-6527 (618) 549-0106 (Home) geoffnMail to author|Respond to list|Read more issues|LINGUIST home page|Top of issuesiu.edu