Editor for this issue: Terence Langendoen <terry
linguistlist.org>
Fennell, Barbara (2001) A History of English. A Sociolinguistic Approach, Blackwell Publishers, Oxford. xiv+284 pages. Reviewed by Elvira Myachinskaya, St. Petersburg State University, Russia Synopsis The History of English is published as part of a series of Blackwell Textbooks in Linguistics and follows the textbook format-- with introduction of relevant technical terms and theories, tables of noun declension and verb conjugation. Each chapter is preceded by a helpful and informative timeline of events in human civilization which are relevant to language evolution and followed by a short list of Suggested Readings. The textbook also includes a considerable amount of material and information not covered by the title of the book, which makes sense if the book is targeted at a student without previous instruction in philology. The subtitle of the book indicates the author's intention to find, wherever possible, extra-linguistic motivation and circumstances of language evolution. The book consists of an Introduction and seven chapters, as well as an extensive bibliography and index of names and terms. Its aim is to cover the evolution of the English language from its start, through Middle Ages to the present day diversity of regional and national forms. The Introduction is significant because it establishes several fundamental methodological assertions. The author strives to approach the history of language from various angles and offer different perspectives, so that "each chapter contains socio-historical and cultural background, a descriptive account of major structural characteristics from stage to stage and a particular topical focus" (p.1) The causes of language change are summarized with an orientation towards extra-linguistic motivation, such as, language contact, imperfect learning, substratum, social prestige; language internal causes are not structural, cf. ease of articulation, analogy, randomness and the like. (p.7) Chapter 2 The Pre-history of English (pp.15-54) describes the Indo-European languages, their relation, typology, spread, phonological characteristics, etc. giving quite a lot of space to a topic which definitely lies outside the sphere indicated by the title of the book. Chapter 3 Old English [OE] covers the Anglo-Saxon invasion, Scandinavian influence, linguistic development from sound to vocabulary, texts, dialects, language contacts -- some in detail, others fragmentary. One of the strongest points in the evolution analysis first appears here and is developed throughout the book: the restructuring of the English linguistic system from synthetic language type to analytical. Language contact theory, especially Thomason and Kaufman's borrowing scale, is also introduced, to be further elaborated in connection with creolization hypothesis (ch.4,pp.126-131). The main topic of Chapter 4, Middle English [ME], is the breakdown of the inflectional system, yet other changes are treated as well, perhaps rather perfunctorily. Thus, the formation of analytical verbal forms receives only a cursory glance and the questioned "What is an analytical form as opposed to a syntactic word group" is not discussed at all. However, ME dialects receive proper attention and sample texts provide beautiful illustrations. An extensive (and in my judgment excessive) discussion of English language pidginization and creolization under Scandinavian and French influence results in the a conclusion that the influences were only superficial and cannot be interpreted as creolization, that the simplification was "a result of the move from synthetic to an analytic language that had begun already in the shift from Indo-European to Germanic" (p.130). This conclusion is so evident that one regrets having been obliged to read more or less irrelevant argumentation on language contact. Chapter 5, Early Modern English [EMdE], introduces EMdE as a period of tremendous historical changes, whereas the changes of short vowels, consonants, morphology and syntax are considered slight (p.138) and are only mentioned. The Great Vowel Shift is given special attention, the long vowel evolution is traced from pre-Old English times (some of the changes from Germanic are mentioned here for the first time) through Middle English to Present Day English and sociolinguistic interpretation is supplied, cf. "we are able to hypothesize that the change is motivated by social stratification. That is to say, it was caused by the increase in social differentiation typical of the swelling urban population" (p.161) Chapter 6, Present-Day English, concentrates on lexical development, describes dialect variation, Received Pronunciation (RP), Estuary English, English in Scotland, Ireland and Wales, immigrant varieties of English in Britain. Chapter 7, English in the United States, covers the history of settlement and the language starting with 1607 (Jamestown, Virginia, the first English settlement in America) region by region. Political, ethnic and linguistic aspects of divergence from British English are traced. Dialect diversity in Modern American is presented in linguistic, geographic and social perspective. Chapter 8, World-Wide English, starts with 1600, when the British East India Company was founded, and covers the history of the colonial spread of English over the globe. This chapter is purely sociolinguistic, practically without any linguistic analysis. It also deals with the prospect of English becoming an international language. Comments and discussion. The sociolinguistic approach taken by Barbara Fennell is both the merit and the weakness of the book. The author's choice of this or that hypothesis in dealing with the earliest, pre-historical periods of language/es is sometimes arbitrary and far from justified, cf. the Kurgan theory or farming dispersal (pp.51-53) to explain the spread of Indo-European; cf. social stratification as the cause for the Great Vowel Shift (p.161)seems far-fetched, especially for a phonological change that has such serious prosodic, structural and systemic motivation. But the closer we come to modern times, the more diverse and satisfying is the sociolinguistic background. The description of Celtic multilingualism in Britain is elaborate and illuminating, except for the scarcity of language material. Not a specialist on American English variation, I enjoyed reading Chapter 7 "English in the United States". Chapter 8, which describes the way English spread over land and sea, is to be recommended to students of any level. It is a excellent idea to include period sample texts, above all the same text in different dialects, demonstrating linguistic variation (pp.110-113). At the same time, the book's treatment of linguistic evolution suffers from serious flaws of inconsistency, contradictions and errors, leaving important questions unanswered. According to Fennell (pp.1 and 59), Old English begins in 500, which is neither the beginning of the German conquest nor the earliest attested writing. A question arises--and it would be fascinating to know the answer- why Fennell thinks that fifty years are necessary and enough to form the English language from dialects whose structure and differences are little known, since there are no texts in either the Germanic dialects or the British English of the time. The beginning of Early Modern English 1500 is marked, according to the book, by the introduction of the printing press, (which, by the way, was introduced in 1476). Later, however, in corresponding chapters, the author seems to have changed her mind and includes both the print and Caxton's activity, which signals the beginning of standardization, in the Middle English period.( It would be more reasonable to date the end of ME as 1400 and begin EMdE with the introduction of the press and the rise of London dialect.) As it is, to the reader's confusion, Fennell refers Caxton to the MEn period but discusses his importance and the printing press in the chapter on Early Modern English (pp.156-7) Students reading the book will be led to erroneously believe the following claims, among others. a) Nouns have a weak declension similar to adjectives (p.59). b) OE nouns of "fot-fet" type belong to the "mutated plural" declension(p.65) (instead of "root-stem"), though they also had mutated Dative singular and non-mutated Genitive and Dative plural. In Old English the category of number was not manifested independently of the category of case. c) There were both First and Second Consonant Shifts in English (p.159). d) EMdE /r/ vocalization caused compensatory lengthening of the preceding vowel (p.161). What exactly is compensated? e) Weak verbs were inherited together with Strong verbs from the Indo-European system (p.69). f) Strong verbs of Class I have long vowels in Past plural and Past Participle, standing for Ablaut zero gradation (p.69). g) An accent, like RP, is not just pronunciation but grammar too, cf. "On the grammatical level there are a number of variants within RP" (p.188) RP is evidently confused with Standard English. The reader may be further confused by certain inconsistencies such as the following. 1. Front voiced fricative phoneme /zh/ like in "beige, garage" (examples from the book, p.61) appeared in late Old English. And, at the same time /zh/ filled the gap under French influence in ME (p.129). And also, EMdE/z/+/j/ assibilation "was the source of the modern phoneme [zh], since "usual" came to be pronounced ["as in present-day RP"]" (p.140) (Sorry for the transcription characters: e- mail technical restrictions). 2. "Consonantal changes in ME are slight" (p.97) Also,"With regard to ... consonants.. changes were slight" in the Early Modern English (p.138) And again, phonological change between EME and PDE is also minor (p.168). When did the consonants change, one may ask? 3. The statement: "foot -feet" is an i-mutation alteration (p.62) is in conflict with: "mice, feet", - originally Ablaut forms "(p.141) 4. In the Early Modern English "/ai/ monophthongized to /a:/, so "weight" and "mate" fell together as /e: open/, then /e:/ (p.160) I must be experiencing some language barrier phenomenon for I cannot make head or tail of it. 5. OE chapter contains no mention of Preterite-Present verbs so it is surprising to read "By ME the modals "shall" and "will" are associated with the future.." (p105) 6. OE front fricatives both voiced and voiceless /s-z/, /f-v/ are in complementary distribution and , as a result, allophones. In ME, when voice became a phonological feature as a result of syllable restructuring and loss of geminates, /s/-/z/, /f/-/v/,/th/ -/th(voiced)/ became independent phonemes, entailing the voicing of word-initial "the, this, though" etc. and dialectal [vader] for "father" and [zelf] for "self". This important phonemisation development is not mentioned in the book at all. Instead, the phonemization of /v/ and /z/ is attributed to the French influence (!) In fact, French borrowings with initial voiced fricatives were only possible because the voiced and voiceless front fricatives had already become phonemes and were spreading to new positions. Lexical borrowings only filled positions already existing in the system of phonemes. This is why "French-like rounded vowels /y:/ or /y/, or nasal vowels" (p.129) were not borrowed: they were not part of English phonemic inventory by that time (see p.98 for the development of /y/ in Middle English). Thus, the author's conclusion that " we can hardly say that the phonemic system was extensively affected by contact with French" (p.129) is more than true and it is regrettable that she contradicts her own position. The history of pronouns is scattered throughout the book, serving different tactical aims of the author; if it were discussed as a class and in accordance with the theoretical framework accepted in the book, many questions would have been eliminated. As it is, the appearance of new 3rd person pronouns receives a disappointingly disconnected explanation. OE "he, heo, hie" pronouns were reduced in ME to a homonymous form 'he', the system, thus, requiring substitution by distinctly different forms. "He" retained its position as the masculine singular form. "In ME the North and East Midland dialects developed third person singular feminine pronouns with initial [sh] (e.g. sho) (p.143,chapter on Early Modern English, first mention of the issue). The question of "they" in this context would not be treated as Scandinavian borrowing - a general misconception- but would be considered another dialectal ME form. There is much evidence for that, even in the book itself. Unfortunately, the OE system of demonstrative pronouns is not included in the body of the textbook; if it were, it would distinctly show a source for the transplantation, namely the th-paradigm (as well as the demonstrative "seo" as the source for "sho/she"). Scandinavian, of course, supported the tendency, but it should be also borne in mind that there was no "pure" THEY form in Scandinavian: the forms were THEIR and THEM, so it was not even a direct borrowing. Anyway, Middle English being a period of "dialect anarchy" with a standard yet to come, we can only speak about "they" as Northern dialectal form that later supplanted the Southern dialectal "hie, his, him" forms. It is really a waste of the future students' attention to introduce them to creolization theory mainly on the basis of pronominal borrowing from Scandinavian when there was no borrowing. This critical revision mentions only a few objectionable instances of many more, mainly in traditional historical spheres of phonology and grammar. Chapters 6-8 definitely deserve more praise than criticism. Still, a sociolinguistic approach is not a license to kill evolutionary logic or formal correctness. No bibliography is supplied here for the same reason: A couple of references will give an impression that the rest does not deserve any critical assessment. The opposite is true: it will take pages of bibliography to put things in a proper perspective. The book has a very elegant cover design, with Paul Klee's Blau Nacht, enigmatic and mesmerizing. Elvira Myachinskaya is Associate Professor at the Department of English Studies, St. Petersburg State University, Russia. She lectures on the History of English language and British English Language Variation (Regional and Social). Her other interests are historical phonology, Old Germanic philology, sociolinguistic typology, translation theory and practice, cross-cultural pragmatics, Russian language acquisition.Mail to author|Respond to list|Read more issues|LINGUIST home page|Top of issue