Editor for this issue: Karen Milligan <karen
linguistlist.org>
I have recently come across two independent historical treatments of well-documented language families that employ essentially the same approach to linguistic history. Both Giuliano Bonfante, The Origin of the Romance Languages (Carl Winter, 1999) and Burkhart Kienast (Historische Semitische Sprachwissenschaft (Harrassowitz, 2001), consider languages in the order their speakers moved away from the home speech community; these languages are then believed to exhibit the most archaic features, with subsequent languages appearing more innovative, but preserving more or less clear traces of archaic features that had gone out of use. Bonfante's ms. was written in the 1940s and prepared for publication in the mid 1990s; I am aware of the book only because I provided editorial help: Prof. Bonfante is of sound mind and fairly sound body and will celebrate his 97th birthday in August. He credits a distinguished predecessor with the basic notion, summarizing it as follows in the 1998 preface: "The central idea of the book is not mine, but that of the eminent German scholar Gustav Grober. Grober's thesis is very simple -- even, at first glance, obvious. The Romance languages represent the various steps of Roman colonization: Sicily was colonized in 241 B.C., Spain around 200 B.C., Gaul around 50 B.C., Dacia in 108 A.D.. Therefore the language of Sicily would represent the Latin of Plautus, Spanish that of Ennius, French that of Caesar, Romanian that of Apuleius. ..." (p. xvi) And Italian is thus paradoxically both the most conservative Romance language (because it never moved away to undergo separate development) and the most innovative (because it continued to develop on the spot). (p. 3) Kienast presumably did not know Grober's work and cannot have known Bonfante's, but as an Assyriologist is most familiar with the earliest attested Semitic language and observed decreasing traces of early features in the successive stages that he identifies as Ethiopic, Canaanite, Aramaic, and Arabic. (Note that Arabic corresponds to Italian, accounting for both its retention of early features like case desinence and its innovations like broken plurals.) A very significant observation is that Bonfante relies a great deal on details of modern dialects to work out his thesis, using the historical record only sparingly; whereas both perforce and by choice, Kienast is largely limited to the written record of the five classical Semitic languages, invoking features of modern South Arabian, Aramaic, and Arabic only incidentally. My questions for linguists generally are: Since this approach has occurred to two scholars independently, has it been applied by others in additional language families? And, Has any theoretician of language change/historical linguistics addressed this approach?Mail to author|Respond to list|Read more issues|LINGUIST home page|Top of issue