Editor for this issue: Naomi Ogasawara <naomi
linguistlist.org>
Bruce Mor�n, Georgetown University, DISTINCTIVENESS, COERCION AND SONORITY: A Unified Theory of Weight Careful inspection of cross-linguistic vowel length and consonant weight leads to the undeniable conclusion that a unified theory of moraicity across segment types is warranted. This book provides such a unified theory. Central to this work is that claim that there are two types of weight - coerced and distinctive. Coerced weight is a restriction on surface moraicity in some phonological context and is subject to distributional restrictions based on sonority. This implication is relevant not only to vowel length, but also to consonant weight. In contrast, distinctive weight is an underlying moraicity that is reflected in a surface contrast and not bound by sonority. Using optimality theory, overall weight patterns are shown to arise as the result of the factorial ranking of three constraint families: faithfulness, general markedness and coercive markedness. By looking at weight from an optimality theoretic perspective, a simple mechanism emerges that straightforwardly accounts for phenomena that were previously considered separate and accountable via different mechanisms. The unified weight theory not only challenges traditionally held beliefs regarding the vowel/consonant dichotomy and inherent moraicity, but it has the potential to illuminate any number of weight/mora related segmental and prosodic phenomena such as (inter alia) feature neutralization, stress, tone, and language acquisition. Outstanding Dissertations in Linguistics series. Routledge September 2001 288 pp Hb: 0 415 93780 9 $70.00 �50.00 Preface Acknowledgments 1. Syllable Weight: Descriptiveb Generalizations 2. Optimality Theory, Typology, and Constraints 3. Segment Weight Typology 4. Case Studies 5. Miscellaneous Issues and General Conclusions Bibliography IndexMail to author|Respond to list|Read more issues|LINGUIST home page|Top of issue
Robert Kirchner, University of Alberta, AN EFFORT BASED APPROACH TO CONSONANT LENITION Despite the pervasiveness of lenition in the sound systems of natural language, this class of patterns has eluded adequate characterization in previous theories of phonology. Specifically, previous theories have failed to capture formally the phonetic unity of the various lenition processes (e.g. degemination, voicing, spirantization, debuccalization, deletion), or to account for the environments in which lenition typically occurs that presents a unified approach to consonant lenition, wherein particular lenition patterns arise from Optimality Theoretic conflict between a principle of effort minimization and faithfulness to auditory features, in combination with (perceptually-based) fortition constraints. It is further demonstrated that this effort-based approach straightforwardly accounts for a number of generalizations, drawn from a survey of 272 grammars: Geminate stops never lenite unless they concomitantly degeminate. Unaffricated stops never synchronically spirantize to strident fricatives. All else being equal, lenition occurs more readily the greater the openness of the flanking segments (the widely attested pattern of intervocalic lenition being a special case). Lenition occurs more readily the faster or more casual the speech. The approach is illustrated with case studies of lenition in Tumpisa Shoshone and Florentine Italian. This book represents a significant contribution to the current debate on the role of phonetic optimalization in phonological theory. Outstanding Dissertations in Linguistics series. Routledge September 2001 304 pp HB 0 415 93743 4 $70.00 �50.00 Preface Acknowledgments List of Figures List of Tables 1 Introduction 2 Articulatory Effort 3 Representational Issues 4 Spirantization and Stridency 5 Geminates 6 Effort-Based Contexts 7 T�mpisa Shoshone 8 Florentine Italian 9 Conclusion: Stabalization of Lenition Patterns Appendix: Survey of Lenition Patterns Notes References IndexMail to author|Respond to list|Read more issues|LINGUIST home page|Top of issue
Amanda Seidl, John Hopkins University, MINIMAL INDIRECT REFERENCE: A Theory of the Syntax-Phonology Interface This book investigates the nature of the relationship between phonology and syntax and proposes a theory of Minimal Indirect Reference that solves many classic problems relating to the topic. Seidl shows that all variation across languages in phonological domain size is due to syntactic differences and a single domain parameter specific to phonology. Outstanding Dissertations in Linguistics series. Routledge September 2001 160 pp Hb: 0 415 93737 X $60.00 �50.00 Preface List of abbreviations 1. Introduction 2. Domain Paradoxes 3. Contrasting Various Recent Phonological Domain Generators 4. The Minimal Indirect Reference approach 5. MIR Applied to the Bantu Data 6. Revisiting the Visibility Conditions on Rules 7. Kaisse (1985) and MIR 8. Conclusion Notes Bibliography IndexMail to author|Respond to list|Read more issues|LINGUIST home page|Top of issue
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Tuesday, April 24, 2001 |
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