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Dick Hudson's reply, namely, that 'wanna' has the same distribution as 'want to' may be right. I never claimed that it did not have the same distribution and my original posting provided an analysis that assumed that it did. On the other hand, there is something going on here that is clearly not syntactic, at least 'clearly' according to the data I am aware of. As to Mills reply that he 'apologizes' to me for not getting the judgments, why on earth would anyone think it would bother me that he or anyone else didn't get these judgments? The point is that some people do. For the people to whom all examples are acceptable, there is probably an easy solution. But those are not the dialects in question. The original data was noticed by going through many spectrograms (not systematically for this particular problem, I admit) in the CMU SPHINX data base and noticing that 'get +to' almost always comes out with far less reduction of the 'to' than 'got + to', etc. There is a robust fact here. And I have tested the judgment with many natives speakers, mostly from the Midwestern US. Again, though, not systematically. That certainly needs to be done, following something like the methodology suggested in Wayne Cowart's book, Experimental Syntax. So, if Dick Hudson is right, that 'we're still in the stage where "wanna" is an alternative to "want to"' then we are also still in the stage where a syntactic account seems less than promising. Dan EverettMail to author|Respond to list|Read more issues|LINGUIST home page|Top of issue
A few comments on some of the interesting postings on to-contraction... I think Angus Grieve-Smith's suggestion (LL 12.1971) that a fccount following Bybee's approach is probably the best way to capture most of the data. A frequency-account can also capture the following contrast (in my dialect at least): (1) I wanna go. (2) ?? I intenna go. (<< intend to) (3) ?? I planna go. (<< plan to) Structurally these ought to be identical and semantically they are quite similar. Yet only the high-frequency 'want' readily allows contraction. However, Dan Everett has written to me that in fact (2) and (3) are grammatical for him. Likewise, Carl Mills (LL 12.1975) finds many of the starred examples (e.g. I getta go) acceptable, along with the following classically ungrammatical sentence: (4) * Who do you wanna go? In this connection, it's interesting to note that Crain & Thornton (Investigations in Universal Grammar, 1998, ch. 21) discuss an experiment testing children's knowledge of the putative constraint against contraction across traces. Remarkably, 3 of the 14 children included in the final analysis (ages 3;6 - 5;5) produced 1 or more sentences like (4). One child produced 3 of the 6 elicited utterances along the lines of (4) with contraction. It's not clear how to reconcile the trace-based analysis with this finding (C&T offer no explanation), or with Carl Mills' observations. The variability in judgments suggests that no single synchronic factor is going to provide a nice answer. Rather this seems to be grammaticalization in progress. But Dick Hudson (LL 12.1975) observes that 'wanna' is not a modal because it takes 3sg agreement and do-support, unlike true modals. These observations do establish that 'wanna' has not joined the existing category of modals. However, Bybee & Dahl (Creation of tense & aspect systems, 1989) point out that "new grams [=grammatical words/morphemes] are rarely added to existing closed classes, rather, as they grammaticize, they create new closed classes" (p. 60). Krug (Frequency, iconicity, categorization, 2001) calls 'wanna' an "emerging modal", i.e. a new grammatical category. A possible candidate for the same category is "hafta" which also shows 3sg agreement and do-support. As Krug points out, following Bybee & Dahl, the fact that true modals do not show do-support follows from their "strong entrenchment" which made them immune to this change. We wouldn't expect new modal-like categories to lack do-support, so the behavior of 'wanna' is expected. So while 'wanna' has not gone as far as the true modals, I think the fact that it allows contraction much more readily than most other verbs suggests that it has become grammaticalized as an "emerging modal". best, Stephen Wilson Department of Linguistics, UCLAMail to author|Respond to list|Read more issues|LINGUIST home page|Top of issue