Editor for this issue: Richard John Harvey <richard
linguistlist.org>
CSLI Publications is pleased to announce the availability of: BEYOND ALTERNATIONS: A CONSTRUCTIONAL MODEL OF THE GERMAN APPLICATIVE PATTERN; Laura A. Michaelis (University of Colorado at Boulder) and Josef Ruppenhofer (University of California, Berkeley and International Computer Science Institute); paper ISBN: 1-57586-330-8, $22.50, cloth ISBN: 1-57586-329-4, $63.00, 149 pages. CSLI Publications 2001. http://cslipublications.stanford.edu , email: pubsMail to author|Respond to list|Read more issues|LINGUIST home page|Top of issuecsli.stanford.edu. To order this book, contact The University of Chicago Press. Call their toll free order number 1-800-621-2736 (U.S. & Canada only) or order online at http://www.press.uchicago.edu/ (use the search feature to locate the book, then order). Book description: Alternations play a central role in most current theories of verbal argument structure, which are devised primarily to model the syntactic flexibility of verbs. Accordingly, these frameworks take verbs, and their projection properties, to be the sole contributors of thematic content to the clause. Approached from this perspective, the German applicative (or be-prefix) construction has puzzling properties. First, while many applicative verbs have transparent base forms, many, including those coined from nouns, do not. Second, applicative verbs are bound by interpretive and argument-realization conditions which cannot be traced to their base forms, if any. These facts suggest that applicative formation is not appropriately modeled as a lexical rule. Using corpus data from a diverse array of genres, Michaelis and Ruppenhofer propose a unified solution to these two puzzles within the frame-work of Construction Grammar. Central to this account is the concept of valence augmentation: argument-structure constructions denote event types, and therefore license valence sets which may properly include those of their lexical fillers. As per Panini's Law, resolution of valence mismatch favors the construction over the verb. Like verbs of transfer and lo-cation, the applicative construction has a prototype-based event-structure representation: diverse implications of applicative predications - including iteration, transfer, affectedness, intensity and saturation - are shown to derive via regular patterns of semantic extension from the topological concept of coverage.
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Monday, July 23, 2001 |
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