Editor for this issue: Marie Klopfenstein <marie
linguistlist.org>
Hello all, as you might remember, a short while ago I asked the list to participate in an online questionnaire which dealt with the expression of futurity in English. Here is the summary which I promised to deliver. The questionnaire is still online at http://www.banquo.de/questionnaire.phtml , so you can go back and check it out for reference purposes. I should perhaps mention that the better part of my study relied on empirical findings stemming from a corpus based approach, i.e. on the computerized analysis of ca. 10 million words of spoken English (both British and American). With the questionnaire, I set out to replicate my earlier, corpus-based findings through elicitation tests and acceptability judgements. In all, the questionnaire yielded a total of 274 respondents, 196 of which were native speakers of English. For methodological purposes, I had to exclude all non-native speakers' data from analysis in the end. 57% of respondents were male, 43% female, and the mean age of respondents was 36 years. Respondents were rather well-educated individuals, the vast majority of which holds academic diplomas. Also, for obvious reasons, the questionnaire oversampled respondents from North America, which cannot be helped given that so many people are actually living there :-). With questions I.1 and I.5, I set out to test whether Haegeman's (1989) and my own claim that BE GOING TO (i.e., both variants, "gonna" and full "going to") and WILL/SHALL (i.e., the variants "will", "'ll", "won't", and "shall") are truth-conditionally equivalent is correct. Indeed, this claim was borne out by the data, with the vast majority of respondents rating I.1 and I.5 as unacceptable. From this, it can be inferred by virtue of logic and of formal semantics that the two paradigms are semantically interchangeable, while, of course, nothing is thus said about their pragmatics. A question that dealt with pragmatics was II.5, where Hall (1970) suggested that "will" would be preferable to "be going to" because of the implicatures it carries. Respondents conformed with Hall's (1970) claim. They did not, however, seem to agree to Binnick's (1971) assertion that future markers would be interchangeable in II.1; something - possibly pragmatic factors - in II.1 induced respondents to prefer "will" over "going to" in that specific sentence. In summary, because material like "I am going to marry, but I will not" was rated nonsensical by a very vast majority of respondents, it is clear - at least to me - that both ways of expressing futurity mean - semantically - the same thing. Results from the section of the questionnaire dealing with "'ll not" revealed that while respondents judged sentences containing this construction as decently acceptable (meaning that "'ll not" is clearly not ungrammatical), they would not frequently choose "'ll not" when being able to choose from among other negated future markers (a minor exception to this finding was II.7, where "'ll not" was selected by relatively many respondents). Moreover, I could show that those respondents who opted for "' ll not" were disproportionally often from Scotland and also England, while US respondents appeared to avoid "'ll not". As to other negated future markers, there is evidence in the data that "will not" was chosen rather infrequently by respondents too. While "won't" was clearly the preferred negated future marker for British respondents, US respondents actually tended to slightly prefer "not gonna" over "won't" (this became especially evident in question II.6). These findings, too, were in line with the findings from the corpus linguistic part of this study. The part of the questionnaire that addressed conditional clauses (or if-clauses) as well bolstered confidence into the corpus-based findings. Contrary to what Binnick (1971) claimed, "I'll get back to Tom, if you really want me to" was preferred by respondents over "I'm going to get back to Tom, if you really want me to". As, however, suggested by Binnick (1971), "I'll talk to Sam if you ask me to" was more popular among respondents than "I'm going to talk to Sam if you ask me to". This is in accordance with my earlier finding that WILL/SHALL markers are very frequent in main clause slots, and especially conditional apodoses. With regard to conditional protases, I could confirm Comrie's (1985) assertion that BE GOING TO, under certain circumstances, is preferable to WILL/SHALL in conditional subclauses. Based also on other material on conditional sentences in the questionnaire (i.e., III.1 and III.4), there was, then, a clear tendency for respondents to prefer WILL/SHALL in conditional main clauses and to prefer BE GOING TO in conditional subclauses. These preferences, again, conform with the findings that stemmed from the corpus-based approach to future markers. In the two questions in the questionnaire that addressed interrogative sentences, respondents clearly preferred WILL/SHALL in main clauses of interrogative sentences (II.6) and BE GOING TO in interrogative subclauses (III.1). This is what was expected given what I knew from analyzing corpus data. Results with regard to COMPL clauses could only partially corroborate corpus-based findings (in II.7, respondents conformed with the research hypothesis, while - by preferring "'ll" - they did not in III.2). The same muddiness must be stated concerning respondents' preferences concerning cause clauses (especially III.9) and time clauses, where respondents' preferences were as expected in III.6, but contrary to my expectations in III.8. As to relative clauses, respondents preferred WILL/SHALL by a wide margin in III.3, although I would have expected them to prefer BE GOING TO over WILL/SHALL. Occasionally, the data that were returned by the questionnaire were stratified according to educational level; in one case, I detected a pattern of gender stratification. In many cases, unsurprisingly, there were statistically significant regional differences. In sum, US respondents opted (a) for BE GOING TO markers more often than did British respondents, and (b), they opted for the contracted / cliticized variant forms more often than did British respondents, which is especially true for "gonna". Subject to the limits of the data source, both findings clearly conform with findings that stem from the corpus-based approach, although the differences among respondents, especially concerning "gonna", are surprisingly marked. However, elicitation tests are about how respondents *think* they talk; regional differences between respondents, then, might be exaggerated in that while Americans commonly pride themselves of their informality, British respondents might think they talk less colloquially and informally than they actually do. Relatedly, British respondents might simply be more aware of prescriptivist traditions than are US respondents. Should you want to more detailled information, please feel free to go to http://www.banquo.de/experimentalch.pdf , where I uploaded the entire chapter of my thesis that dealt with the questionnaire and its results (20 pages). Again, I want to express my thanks to all those who participated. Best, Benedikt SzmrecsanyiMail to author|Respond to list|Read more issues|LINGUIST home page|Top of issue