Editor for this issue: Renee Galvis <renee
linguistlist.org>
Since optimality is an output oriented theory, normally no constraints are allowed on inputs. However, I am doing research in a language in Brazil which seems to require underspecification of place features in order for feature spreading to be accounted for. Is underspecification ever allowed in optimality theory? Could someone direct me to references which deal with this question? Thanks for any help. Please respond to my email address below: dave-julie.eberhardMail to author|Respond to list|Read more issues|LINGUIST home page|Top of issuesil.org
This question has to do with the spreading of place features from vowels to consonants. The Mamainde language has a spreading process where the high front vowel spreads [+hi] to the coda, creating a Dorsal, or velar, or [+hi] place of articulation in the consonant. The output is not a palatal consonant but a true velar. This is hard to explain via Clement's Unified Feature Theory, or any other articulator theory for that matter since [hi] is not available as a feature for consonants (they allow Open at the Aperture node but this applies only to vowels). Has anyone done or seen any research which shows high vowels spreading the hi feature to consonants and creating dorsals (or velars)? please respond to: dave-julie.eberhardMail to author|Respond to list|Read more issues|LINGUIST home page|Top of issuesil.org Subject-Language: Mamainde; Code: MBG