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Dick Hudson suggests that the concern for academic freedom on one hand and the right to engage in academic boycotts on the other be construed as competing defeasible constraints in an OT system. This is an interesting idea which is worth exploring. It implies that anti-discrimination laws should be regarded as defeasible in relation to the rights of individuals and organizations to refuse housing, service, employment, etc. to people that they dislike. In fact freedom from discrimination on national and ethnic (as well as racial, religious, sexual, and other) grounds is a basic human right that is not defeasible. This is precisely why this freedom is enshrined in consititutions and human rights charters. Britain does not have a written constitution; however, Britain has recently incorporated the European Union's Human Rights Charter into its legal code rendering principles of non-discrimination entirely non-defeasible. OT is exactly the wrong model for thinking about human rights legislation in academic or other domains. Defeasibility provides a cover for bigotry, which is what this sort of legislation is designed to rule out. Shalom LappinMail to author|Respond to list|Read more issues|LINGUIST home page|Top of issue
Hi all Since the idea of the boycott is to express one's disagreement with a regime, why not boycott any governement/intitution related aspects of the individual and not the individual in particular. Institutions like universities depend on the exposure their researchers give them. In return, the university give the said researcher some advantages (salary, research facilities, etc.) So, if I may suggest, scholars affiliated with institutions within certain countries would not have their affiliation mentioned in any way. For instance, a conference, or an association organises a conference and want to invite Noam Chomsky. But, in view with the recent events in the Middle East, feel that the USA should be boycotted. On the programme, along with the world wide renouned phonologist Alain Theriault from Universite de Montreal and the universite de Nantes, there would be one Noam Chomsky without any affiliation attached to his name. This way, you won't punish the individual but the institution. Scholars are free thinkers and they all contribute to the advancement of human knowledge. Universities, on the other side, are institutions that are often associated with regimes. They also make their bread and butter on their reputation and exposure is a big part of this reputation. Though they facilitate research, they owe to their scholars a lot more than their scholars owe them. Cheers! Alain Theriault Universite de Montreal AAI (Universite de Nantes)Mail to author|Respond to list|Read more issues|LINGUIST home page|Top of issue
The statement by Blakemore, Dawkins, Noble and Yudkins in Nature 421, 314 (23 Jan 2003) deals with this issue. I suggest linguists read it too. It points out that "a boycott of researchers who are citizens of another country, as a political protest against that country's government. ... is explicitly forbidden by the International Council for Science." Bernard Spolsky spolsbMail to author|Respond to list|Read more issues|LINGUIST home page|Top of issuemail.biu.ac.il
Dick Hudson wrote: >Maybe it would be helpful to think of the issue in terms of OT. There >are two potentially conflicting constraints: >AFT = Academic Free Trade: academic material - ideas, publications, >people - should flow unimpeded. >PP = Political Protest: we should protest against offensive politics >by withdrawing support from those responsible. The question is how >these two constraints are ranked. Here is the problem: who decides what is "offensive politics"? There are few, if any, political conflicts on which people agree on which side is right and which side engages in "offensive politics", or even on the nature of the underlying issues. What right does a linguistics organization have to adopt a particular political analysis and impose sanctions on those who disagree? And, of course, the list of countries in the world which engage in what might be considered "offensive politics" is enormous. While one certainly has the right personally to boycott, say, the products of a country whose policies one considers "offensive" (I do, for example), what right does an organization like the LSA have to make these decisions? Whatever politically-based decisions an organization like the LSA makes, it is bound to offend part of its membership. Yehuda N. Falk Department of English, The Hebrew University of Jerusalem Mt. Scopus, Jerusalem, Israel Personal Web Site http://pluto.mscc.huji.ac.il/~msyfalk/ Departmental Web Site http://atar.mscc.huji.ac.il/~english/Mail to author|Respond to list|Read more issues|LINGUIST home page|Top of issue