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G�ldemann, Tom and Manfred von Roncador, ed. (2002) Reported Discourse: A Meeting Ground for Different Linguistic Domains. John Benjamins Publishing Company, xi+425pp, hardback ISBN 1-58811-227-6, $117.00, Typological Studies in Language 52. Announced at http://linguistlist.org/issues/13/13-2744.html Fay Wouk, University of Auckland OVERVIEW This book grew out of a workshop on the function and form of reported speech, held in 1998. Like most such volumes, the contents are rather eclectic, meaning most readers will find some chapters more interesting than others, and only a true devotee of the topic will appreciate all of them. The book consists of a brief preface, 4 topically arranged sections, and a 50+ page comprehensive bibliography of reported discourse which will doubtless prove a valuable starting place for anyone wishing to get involved in the topic. The four substantive sections are Categories of reported discourse and their use (6 articles), Tense-aspect and evidentiality (2 articles), Logophoricity (2 articles), and Form and history of quotative constructions (5 articles). DETAILED DESCRIPTION OF CONTENTS The six articles in Part 1 focus on reported discourse in individual languages or language groups. Two of the articles describe details of the syntax of reported speech. 'Speech and thought representation in the Karvelian (South Caucasian) languages', by Winfried Boeder, describes the morphosyntax of reported speech in Old Georgian, Modern Georgian, and Svan. The article points out that, where Old Georgian mainly used direct speech, Modern Georgian uses both direct and indirect, while Svan adds a third category, semi-indirect, which is the preferred option. Syntactic characteristics of reported speech are described, including the use of quotative particles and shifts in person marking and evidential marking, and it is noted that shifts in tense marking are rare. 'Direct and indirect discourse in Tamil', by Stanford B. Steever, describes the syntax of reported speech in Tamil, relating it to the grammar of complementation. A detailed description of the syntactic changes involved in indirect discourse is given, the possibility of semi-direct discourse is explored briefly, and reported discourse is contrasted with the use of evidential marking, in particular the hearsay clitic. Two other articles look at the distribution of reported speech in discourse. 'The acceptance of ''free indirect discourse'': A change in the representation of thought in Japanese, by Yasushi Suziki, presents a brief discussion of the development in Japanese writing of a means to express thought in a way that is comparable to free indirect discourse in European writing. It appears that modern Japanese writers, under European influence, have developed a technique involving non-preterite tense and third person reference. 'Direct, indirect and other discourse in Bengali newspapers' by Wim van der Wurff, compares the proportions of direct and indirect speech in two Bengali newspapers, one a quality paper and the other more popular, and then compares this with British quality and tabloid papers. He finds the same type of distribution in both languages; more direct speech in the popular papers, and more indirect in the quality ones, and argues that this is explained in terms of the dramatic qualities of direct speech, and the goal of the popular press to engage readers. The last two articles in this section focus on functions of reported speech in spoken language. 'Direct and indirect speech in Cerma narrative', by Ivan Lowe and Ruth Hurlimann, examines the discourse function of the two types of reported speech in a West African language. They suggest that direct speech is used as a foregrounding device, to move the story forward by describing verbal actions such as assertions, commands and arguments, while indirect speech is a backgrounding device, used for mental processes, and background information. They then argue that there are many cases where the narrator has a choice of foregrounding or backgrounding a speech event, and claim that the choices can be explained in terms of relative salience of speech events and material events, relative salience of different speaking participants, and the patterning of multiply embedded speech events. Their claims are interesting, but in the case of the first two explanatory factors, the arguments seems a bit circular. 'Self-quotation in German: Reporting on past decisions, by Andrea Golato, approaches reported speech from the perspective of conversation analysis, and focuses on one particular use of reported speech, that is reported speech of self in troubles telling. She finds that reports of decision-making in troubles-telling are always done by means of reported discourse, and follow a particular sequence whereby the speaker produces a troubles-telling, the coparticipant provides an acknowledgment or assessment of the trouble, the speaker reports a decision through self-quotation, and the coparticipant evaluates the decision. She suggests that the purpose of this sequence is to render the decision making process available to the coparticipant for evaluation by reenacting it, in effect making the coparticipant a witness to what occurred. It thus functions as a way of obtaining support from coparticipants. Although the study is of German, the author points to similar phenomena in Greek and English, which seem to have a similar function. The two articles in Part two focus specifically on tense-aspect alternation in reported speech. 'Evidentiality and reported speech in Romance languages, by Gerda Hassler looks at reported speech in both spoken and written modes in French and Spanish. She points out that the traditional classification of reported discourse as a type of embedded complement clause is problematic for spoken language, where direct reported speech is mainly marked intonationally and through pronominal deixis, and the ''main clause'' is often highly reduced phonetically, functioning largely as a marker that the speaker is not responsible for the content of the utterance. As such, it functions much like an evidential marker. The article goes on to look at the expression of evidentiality in French and Spanish, not only through reported speech, but through the use of tense and modality. 'Discourse perspectives on tense choice in spoken-English reporting discourse' by Tomoko Sakita, discusses the choice of tense within direct reported discourse in spoken language, both planned and unplanned, and observes that it does not follow the formal tense-shift rules that have been described in the literature. Rather, the past perfect is avoided in most circumstances where it might be expected. As in the previous article, here too the author points out that in spoken language the reporting clause is peripheral, a sort of comment clause, not a temporal reference point. Tense choice in reported speech is conditioned by speakers' attempts to maintain discourse coherence, not by some abstract notion of temporality. Past perfect is found in direct quotes only where it maintains the temporal order of the discourse as a whole. The two articles in Part 3 focus on pronominal shift. 'The logophoric hierarchy and variation in Dogon', by Christopher Culy, describes the use of logophoric pronouns (pronouns used in indirect discourse to refer to the person whose discourse is being reported) in two varieties of Dogon. The author proposes a hierarchy for the use of logophoric pronouns in terms of syntactic role, and shows that the two varieties vary in a way that can be explained in terms of the hierarchy. He provides further support for this hierarchy from the speech of 2 second language speakers, and a passive speaker, who seem to extend the use of the pronouns in ways predicted by the hierarchy. However, as the author points out in his conclusion, he has no explanation for this hierarchy, nor for the subject/object asymmetries it exhibits, which to my mind seriously weakens its explanatory power. 'Logophoric marking in East Asian languages' by Yan Huang, describes the use of long-distance reflexives in Chinese, Japanese and Korean in terms of logophoricity, and presents a neo-Gricean account of how long distance reflexives can be used logophorically, based on Levinson's (1991) I-principle: Do not say more than is required. Four of the articles in the final section deal with grammaticization, and focus on the form of quotative markers/complementizers. The fifth, 'Reported speech in Egyptian: Forms, types and history', by Frank Kammerzell and Carsten Peust, is sort of the odd article out, since although it has a diachronic perspective, tracing the development of reported speech from Early to Late Egyptian, and it does briefly discuss the grammaticization of the quotative marker, its main focus is on the description of patterns of reported speech in the two historical periods, and the development of patterns of pronominal shift. As such, it might just as well have been placed in Part 1 or Part 3. The article introduces the reader to the earliest known examples of recorded speech in Egypt (and probably in the world), scenes accompanied by dialog, similar to modern comic strips. After this delightful introduction, the bulk of the article focuses on types of reported speech found in different historical periods. In Early Egyptian writings, direct speech is common, and indirect speech rare, usually introduced by complementizers, and always involves pronominal shift. In Late Egyptian, an unusual type of indirect speech had developed, where only one referent in an utterance was referred to with shifted pronouns, while other referents are referred to with pronouns reflecting the original speech situation, leading to utterances such as ''My daughter told me that you kissed me'' (when in fact it was the speaker's daughter that the addressee kissed.) 'The grammaticalization of 'say' and 'do': An areal phenomenon in East Africa', by David Cohen, Marie-Claude Simeone-Senelle and Martine Vanhove, looks at the grammaticalization of verbs meaning say and do as auxiliaries and inflections in languages of East Africa, mainly Cushitic and Ethio-Semitic languages, but also Egyptian/Coptic, one Nilo-Saharan language, and one Omotic language found in East Africa. The path of grammaticalization is via descriptive compounds, verbs that are formed from a variety of bases accompanied by a form meaning 'do' or 'say'. They identify this pattern as an areal feature, which has spread from Cushitic to non-Cushitic languages. They note that both 'say' and 'do' roots participate in this process, and that in one language the word meaning 'say' also means 'be', and suggest an abstract semantic analysis in which these three meanings are identical to explain this fact. While I found the description of the grammaticalization process convincing, I was not as convinced by this final point. I think it might be more fruitful to look at what in the nature of each meaning can lead to grammaticalization, rather than trying to lump the three meanings together in a single explanation. The remaining three papers all propose paths of grammaticalization that do not begin with verbs of speaking at all. Additionally, all three make use of a network type of analysis rather than a unidirectional path analysis. 'When 'say' is not say: The functional versatility of the Bantu quotative marker ti with special reference to Shona' by Tom G�ldemann, finds that the Bantu quotative marker did not begin as a verb, but rather as a particle meaning 'thus', and perhaps ultimately derived from a similative marker 'like'. He provides a possible path of development to explain the many synchronic functions of ti in Shona, and considers the implications of his analysis for grammaticalization theory. He ends up suggesting a network where multiple sources, including the verb 'say', the deictic 'thus' and the similative marker 'like' can develop into a quotative marker, which can then further develop in a number of directions, including complementizer, intention marker and hearsay evidential. There is no single path through this network. ''Report' constructions in Kambera (Austronesian)', by Marian Klamer, investigates the quotative marker of Kambera, and finds that it is not fully verbalized, and has a wider range of uses than just introducing reported speech. She concludes that it has grammaticalized with a very general semantics, and that its functions are best viewed as a network, although her network is of synchronic functions rather than of diachronic development. 'All the same? The emergence of complementizers in Bislama', by Miriam Myerhoff, examines the development of two complementizers used with reported speech, one of which has come from a verb of speaking, and the other from a particle that she argues is a similative marker, and that first emerged with non-factive verbs and only later extended to reported speech. She also proposes to explain the grammaticalization of these particles in Bislama by means of a network, rather than a path. Taken together, these three articles provide some thought-provoking implications for grammaticalization theory. CRITICAL EVALUATION I didn't find this book as exciting as I had hoped it might be, although Part 4 was quite interesting, and a scattering of articles in the other section held my attention. I think this volume would be most useful to typologists with a particular interest in reported speech (quite appropriate considering that it is in the series Typological Studies in Language), and researchers in the area of grammaticalization theory. It has far less to offer those interested in discourse-functional syntax, although there are a few articles of note. For most people, I think this is a book they might want in their university library, but probably not in their personal collections. REFERENCE Levinson, Stephen C. 1991. 'Pragmatic reduction of the Binding Conditions revisited'. Journal of Linguistics 27:107-61. ABOUT THE REVIEWER Fay Wouk has a PhD in Linguistics from UCLA, and is a Senior Lecturer in the Department of Applied Language Studies and Linguistics at the University of Auckland. Her research interests include discourse-functional grammar, conversation analysis and interactional grammar, with a focus on languages of Indonesia.Mail to author|Respond to list|Read more issues|LINGUIST home page|Top of issue