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New Dissertation Abstract Institution: Indiana University Program: Department of Germanic Studies Dissertation Status: Completed Degree Date: 2002 Author: John D. Sundquist Dissertation Title: Morphosyntactic Change in the History of the Mainland Scandinavian Languages Linguistic Field: Historical Linguistics Dissertation Director 1: Rex A Sprouse Dissertation Director 2: Kari Ellen Gade Dissertation Director 3: Robert D. Fulk Dissertation Director 4: Barbara Vance Dissertation Abstract: This thesis is a diachronic study of the interaction of morphological and syntactic changes in the history of Danish, Norwegian, and Swedish conducted within the Principles-and-Parameters/Minimalist theoretical framework. It focuses on the period between 1200 and 1700 in the history of Mainland Scandinavian, when syncretism spread throughout the nominal and verbal inflectional paradigms at the same time that the relatively free word order of Old Norse became restricted. The main goal of the study is to challenge the standard assumption in early, pre-generative studies and in recent diachronic generative analyses of Scandinavian syntax that there is a direct, causal relationship between the loss of inflectional distinctions, or deflection, and changes in the word order. Each chapter analyzes a different change in word order that has, according to previous diachronic studies, been triggered by deflection. The first part of the thesis examines the loss of OV-word order and the status of Object Shift during the period of robust case deflection in Middle Norwegian (1275-1525). Quantitative analysis indicates that non-pronominal Object Shift was the same in earlier stages as in Modern Norwegian, and that Middle Norwegian had both head-initial and head-final VP-structures and exhibited a type of semantically driven leftward movement akin to Scrambling in Yiddish and German. It is argued that the ultimate catalyst for the loss of OV-word order between 1450 and 1525 is language contact with Middle Danish rather than case deflection. The second part of the study examines Stylistic Fronting and the loss of verb raising (V-to-I movement) in embedded clauses in Old Swedish (1220-1375) and Early Modern Danish (1500-1700). Weak and strong versions of the Rich Agreement Hypothesis and the Split-IP parameter are evaluated in light the diachronic data, and it is shown that high frequency of structurally ambiguous word-strings such as those produced by Stylistic Fronting of adverbials, and not the breakdown in subject-verb agreement inflection, is responsible for introducing the modern embedded-clause word order into the speech community. Statistical analysis supports the hypothesis that individuals may have access to more than one grammar and that periods of syntactic change can be described in terms of grammatical competition.Mail to author|Respond to list|Read more issues|LINGUIST home page|Top of issue