Editor for this issue: Sarah Murray <sarah
linguistlist.org>
While the tendency to indulge in a bit of good ol' days nostalgia is quite an understandable human trait, the situation for the comparative formation of - even monosyllabic - ADJs has never been as clear-cut as grammar books suggest. Variation between the synthetic '-er' and the analytic 'more' comparative dates back at least as far as the 14th cent. (cf. Kyt� 1996, Kyt�/Romaine 2000). And even 'more good' recently mentioned in the LinguistList did occur in the 19. cent.: ''(...) but, now you are here, you are more good than us, old or young, who toil much in the world of thought.'' (Bram Stoker, Dracula 1897) In PDE there is a wide range of factors which cause ADJs to allow or even prefer the analytic variant (cf. Mondorf 2003). To the theoretically- and functionalist-minded linguist this type of variation offers intriguing insights. If we assume that language users weigh the pros and cons between less-form-processing-with-more- dependent-processing on the one hand and more-form-processing-with- less-dependent-processing on the other (cf. Hawkins 2003), they should aim at a trade-off between the explicit 'more' and the inflected '-er' variant. In accordance with Rohdenburg's (1996) complexity principle, the more explicit form is favoured in cognitively complex environments. To give some examples from Mondorf (2003): Phonological complexity arises if the ADJ contains minimally distinct phoneme sequences (apt, strict), or when stress clashes might occur. In these cases English offers an easy way to reduce the emerging processing load by resorting to the analytic variant. In morphology complexity arises in bimorphemic lexemes: whereas disyllabic monomorphemic ADJs in <-l,le> display variation, their morphologically complex counterparts (awful, careful) require more-support in PDE. And finally, complex structures produced by compounding often prefer the analytic variant to mitigate concomitant complexity effects (cf. Mondorf 2000). At present it is hard to imagine the following novel formations with the synthetic comparative: more bratwursty more Wiener-schmaltzy (THE TIMES) And the recently discussed novel forms 'more fun' and 'more key' (cf. Denison 2000 for a discussion of their adjectivehood) will have to be more firmly established before we can expect more than the odd occurrence of funner 'Las Vegas is fun,' he said, 'but it used to be funner.' (DAILY TELEGRAPH). keyer (occasionally found in the Internet) Why English, after almost 7 centuries of competing comparative variants, has still not settled the issue by assigning the whole domain of comparation to one variant, is an intricate question. One speculative answer is that the system has indeed agreed on a division of labour and that it might be both 'more key' and 'more fun' to uncover the principles prevailing in this area of grammar (presumably motivated by concerns of processing economy) than to mourn a state that never was. Denison, David 2001 Gradience and Linguistic Change. Hawkins, John A. 2003 Why Are Zero-marked Phrases Close to Their Heads? Kyt�, Merja 1996 'The Best and Most Excellentest Way': The Rivalling Forms of Adjective Comparison in Late Middle and Early Modern English. Kyt�, Merja and Suzanne Romaine 1997 Competing Forms of Adjective Comparison in Modern English: What Could Be More Quicker and Easier and More Effective? Kyt�, Merja and Romaine, Suzanne 2000 Adjective Comparison and Standardization Processes in American and British English from 1620 to the Present. Leech, Geoffrey and Jonathan Culpeper 1997 The Comparison of Adjectives in Recent British English. Mondorf, Britta 2003 Support for More-Support. Mondorf, Britta 2000 Wider-Ranging vs. More Old-Fashioned Views on Comparative Formation in Adjectival Compounds/Derivatives. Rohdenburg, G�nter 1996 Cognitive Complexity and Increased Grammatical Explicitness in English. Subject-Language: English; Code: ENG - Britta MondorfMail to author|Respond to list|Read more issues|LINGUIST home page|Top of issue