Regarding query: http://www.linguistlist.org/issues/16/16-1344.html 
 
First of all, I’d like to thank Werner Abraham, Liang Chen, Marina Gorlach, 
Jean-Charles Khalifa, Andrew McIntyre, Hasan Mesut Meral, Stefan Müller, 
Toby Paff, Janet Randall, and Konrad Szczesniak for responding to my 
query. Although I summarize the responses below, I sincerely hope that the 
summary will serve as a call for more responses rather than an indication 
of an end of a query. Note that in this case, if a simple answer “No, there 
is no resultatives in X language” is so informative. Moreover, I’d like to 
make more summaries if I receive more information. 
 
1. General Information 
 
1.1 From Liang Chen: 
“You may be able to find answers for most of your questions in the 
following two works by William Snyder”: 
 
Snyder, William. 1995. Language Acquisition and Language Variation: The 
Role of Morphology. Doctoral dissertation, MIT. Distributed by MIT Working 
Papers in Linguistics. 
 
Snyder, William. 2001. On the nature of syntactic variation: Evidence from 
complex predicates and complex word-formation. Language 77: 324-342. 
 
1.2 From Marina Gorlach: 
Marina pointed me to her book Phrasal Constructions and Resultativeness in 
English (John Benjamins, 2004). “It summarizes the morphological and 
syntactic ways of expressing resultative meaning in English, but also gives 
Russian examples and provides comparison.” 
 
1.3 From Jean-Charles Khalifa: 
“French has no such constructions [resultatives], all the examples you're 
providing would have to be expressed periphrastically, or by means of 
adjunct clauses (such as ''because X did Y'', etc.).” 
 
1.4 From Andrew McIntyre: 
“In the following article, there is some discussion of the fact that PP 
resultatives seem to be less typologically marked than AP resultatives: 
-Kaufmann, Inrid, & Wunderlich, Dieter, 1998. Cross-linguistic patterns of 
resultatives. Theorie des Lexikons. Arbeiten des SFB 282. Nr. 109.” Andrew 
also sent me his 2004 article “Event paths, conflation, argument structure, 
and VP shells” (in Linguistics 42: 523-71), in which “I analyse 
English-type resultatives as a sort of serial verb construction where the 
pronounced verb compounds with a light verb.” 
 
1.5 From Stefan Müller: 
Stefan pointed me to his book Complex Predicates: Verbal Complexes, 
Resultative Constructions, and Particle Verbs in German 
(http://www.cl.uni-bremen.de/~stefan/Pub/complex.html) and two of his 
articles: (1) “Elliptical Constructions, Multiple Frontings, and 
Surface-Based Syntax” 
(http://www.cl.uni-bremen.de/~stefan/Pub/surface.html); (2) “Phrasal or 
Lexical Constructions? (http://www.cl.uni-bremen.de/~stefan/Pub/phrasal.html). 
 
 
1.6 From Toby Paff: 
“I'm especially interested in the Chinese case, which is probably not as 
isolated as it might seem. The parallels to English are indeed intriguing. 
 
In the case of English, the use of the generalized ''get'' (somewhat like 
''nonq/nung'' in Mandarin?) as in ''He got mad/drunk/silly'' might be related. 
 
I got drunk. // I got him drunk. 
 
Romance languages certainly have some interesting data as well. Consider 
the ''reflexive'', in Spanish (or, differently in French and Italian): 
 
Se puso furioso/palido/enfermo (He got angry/pale/sick). 
Se canso (he got tired, where the ''verb'' itself incorporates the idea). 
 
These are not quite the same, but, I bet, similar.” 
 
1.7 From Janet Randall: 
Janet referred me to the 1992 article “The argument structure and syntactic 
structure of resultatives” (Linguistic Inquiry 23: 173-234) by her and Jill 
Carrier. She said, “I now take the position that your example (4) He danced 
out of the room is not a resultative at all,” because it doesn’t have “what 
I call an ‘extent’ interpretation.” She pointed out, “To be a resultative, 
the activity has to be done ‘to such an extent’ that it causes the result 
to come about. There are three possibilities: 
(1) duration (for a long time), 
(2) iteration (over and over) or 
(3) force (once, strongly).” 
 
 
2. On Resultatives in Specific Languages 
 
2.1 On German 
Stefan Müller wrote, “In German both adjectives and PPs are possible. 
German is considered to be verb final and in subordinated clauses 
(considered the base case) the verb follows the resultative predicate. It 
can be argued that adjective and verb form a complex predicate (there are 
different analyses of this phenomenon, but having a complex predicate is 
one option). Like in English a reflexive has to be used if the verb is not 
unaccusative and one wants to refer to the subject of the verb.” 
 
Werner Abraham pointed out, 
“In German, there is plenty of resultatives, both with APs and with PPs. 
Res's have a very high frequency and are applied almost limitless and very 
often metaphorically. The very same holds for Dutch. 
 
etwas flach hämmern ''something flatt hammer'' 
Eier in die Pfanne hauen ''eggs into the pan throw'' 
 
PPs invovled are always directional, i.e. P+accusatives! Thus, only Ps 
allowing accusatives government can be used.They are always perfective 
given directionality and accusative cas of the object! 
 
Your exs. (4)-(5), however, do NOT qualify as prepositions: ''off'' and 
''out'' are verbal particles, which govern their own cases, at least in German. 
 
Due to relatively free word order in German, the resultative can precede 
the actor noun; 
 
Ganz müde hat er sich gelaufen 'very-tired-has-he-himself-run' 
 
Compounding is involved to the extent that AP/PP are part of the verb or 
predicate the lexicon entry being: 
 
''sich müdelaufen'' himself-tiredrun 
etwas grünstreichen'' smthg greenpaint (note the compound orthography!) 
 
[Can statives serve] as resultative governing verbs[?] NO, because statives 
cannot be causatives/agentives. There is always the semantic component 
MAKE/CAUSE involved demanding an actor! Your (8)-example stems from the 
fact that Mandarin ''worry'' is a homonym in other languages, e.g. in German: 
 
für jemanden sorgen = for-someone-worry 
sich sorgen = himself-worry 
 
Your (8) would be in German: 
Er sorgte sich müde für seine Frau 
he worried himself tired for his wife 
 
I do not take perception predicates as statives. True statives are BE, 
HAVE, SEEM, APPEAR AS etc.” 
 
2.2 On Polish 
Konrad Szczesniak provided the following information: 
 
“Polish has PP resultatives, but it seems to me Polish should not be 
dismissed as a PP-only-resultative language. What I mean is that it does 
have translations of the English AP resultative phrases, but they also 
require a preposition: 
 
Jill rozebrala	sie	do	naga. 
[Jill	stripped	herself	TO	naked] 
Jill stripped herself naked. 
 
Chlopcy	upili	sie	 na	wesolo. 
[Boys	drank	themselves ON	happy] 
The boys drank themselves happy.” 
 
“[I]n Polish resultative phrases can be based on various parts of speech 
as long as they are preceded by a preposition. Well, there are more 
possibilities than just preposition+noun, or +adj. Polish has resultative 
phrases based on preposition+adverb, and preposition+verb: 
 
ADJ: 
Adam	zranil	Ewe		do		ZYWEGO. 
[Adam	hurt	Eve		to		LIVE/ALIVE] 
Adam hurt Eve to the quick. 
 
ADV: 
Adam	wytarl		Ewe		do	SUCHA. 
[Adam	rubbed		Eve		to	DRY/DRYLY] 
Adam rubbed Eve dry. 
 
VERB [in GERUND form]: 
Adam	powtarzal te slowa do ZNUDZENIA/ZARZYGANIA. 
[Adam	repeated these	words to BORING/PUKING] 
Adam repeated these words ad nauseam.” 
 
“As to why a 'bare' AP resultative is not allowed, it would be my 
speculation that the resultative in Polish is perceived as directional (at 
least metaphorically) and so it requires a preposition.” 
 
“Polish looks to me more analytical. The resultative phrase is normally 
placed after the object. Now, although Polish does allow the resultative 
phrase before the object, it is a mere inversion allowed also in English 
(especially when the object is expressed by many words). 
 
Wandale	rozbili	te szybe w	 mak. 
Vandals	smashed	this glass into smithereens. 
 
Wandale	rozbili w mak 	 te szybe 
Vandals	smashed	into smithereens this glass 
 
[ktora	ci	kupilem	wczoraj]. 
[I	bought	for you	yesterday].” 
 
“I have been trying to simulate in my mind a number of sentences with 
stative verbs and they don't seem to allow resultative phrases, except for 
one. But it looks like a lexical / idiomatic thing, and it is definitely 
not very productive: 
 
Adam	i Ewa	kochaja	sie	 na	zaboj. 
[Adam	and Eve	love	each other ON	kill.] 
Adam and Eve are madly in love. 
 
I think it is a resultative and not merely an adverbial, because it is used 
with non-stative verbs too, and it expresses a [metaphorical] result: 
Adam	i Ewa	zakochali sie	na	zaboj. 
[Adam	and Eve	fell in love	ON	kill.] 
Adam and Eve fell in love.” 
 
“The resultative is only predicated of the object in Polish (or deep 
structure object in the case of unaccusative verbs). Unergative verbs 
require a fake reflexive: 
 
Dyrektor zakrzyczal SIE	do	nieprzytomnosci. 
[Director screamed HIMSELF	to unconsciousness] 
The director screamed himself into unconsciousness. 
 
Polish does not allow these [examples like (9) in the query] or those 
mentioned in (viii) [in the query].” 
 
 
2.3 On Russian 
Marina Gorlach wrote, 
“As far as Russian is concerned, the resultative meaning is expressed with 
a prefix do- added to the reflexive form of a verb: 
 
dostuchat'sja - kept knocking until somebody opened (stuchat' - to knock, 
-sja - reflexive affix parallel to 'self') 
dozvonit'sja - kept calling on the phone until somebody answered (zvonit' - 
to call.) 
 
In resultative constructions the resultative phrase is not expressed by an 
adjective, but is either a PP or an adverb: 
 
On vytersja nasukho. 
He wiped-himself dry (adv) 
He wiped himself dry. (Adverb. Adj for dry would be 'sukhoj'') 
 
Vera vyuchila stikh naizust'. 
Vera has-learned poem by-heart 
Vera has learned the poem by heart (adverb) 
 
Ja prochla knigu do kontsa. 
I have-read book till-the end. 
I have finished reading the book. (PP) 
 
By the way, in English the resultative meaning is very often expressed by 
particles: 
She cleaned the room up. 
We swept the porch out. 
She turned the radio on. 
 
As far as I know, Hebrew doesn't use adjectives in resultative 
constructions, but does use PP and adverbs.” 
 
2.4 On Turkish 
Hasan Mesut Meral wrote: 
 
“I. Unlike English and German which have plenty of Resultative 
Constructions (RCs), Turkish has a very limited number of them with [NP AP 
V] structure. The Example (1) below indicates a resultative construction 
with the order above: VP contains the complement NP 'kapi-yi' (the door), 
the result phrase 'acik'(open) and the transitive verb 'birak-ti'(left). 
 
(1)[IP	Ali [VP [NP kapý-yi] [AP acik]	birak-ti]] 
 Ali door-ACC open	leave-PAST-AGR	3sg. 
 ''Ali left the door open'' 
 
II. All of the RCs which Turkish makes use are resultatives with AP. 
However, The example (2) below, an instance of PP resultative, can be 
considered as resultative (for me it is not since the resultative meaning 
is not clear) 
 
 
 
(2)[IP Ali [VP [NP yapraklar-i] [PP kaldirim-a dogru] supur-du]] 
 Ali leaves-ACC sidewalk-DAT into sweep-PAST 
 ''Ali swap the leaves into the sidewalk'' 
 
III. RCs in Turkish exhibit English like structure except the position of 
theverb (Turkish is a head final language). 
 
VI. Turkish RCs have object oriented reading (Example 3). However, it 
allows both subject oriented and object oriented DEPICTIVE structures as 
well. There is no subject oriented RCs in the language (ungrammaticality of 
Example 4). 
 
(3) [IP	Ayse [VP [NP sac-i-ni] 	[AP kisa] kes-ti]] 
 Ayþe hair-POSS3sg-ACC short cut-PAST-AGR 3sg. 
 ''Ayse cut her hair short'' 
 
(4)*?[IP Ali [VP [NP kendisi-ni] [AP ac] birak-ti]] 
 	 Ali himself-ACC hungry leave-PAST-AGR3sg. 
 ''Ali left himself hungry'' 
 
Example (3) above has object oriented interpretation and the structure is 
grammatical. Example (4), on the other hand, is ungrammatical with subject 
oriented interpretation. 
 
VII. The example (9) of the original text is not attested in Turkish. 
 
VIII. The example (10) of the original text is not attested in Turkish.” 
 
 
Thank you again for your responses and I greatly appreciate your time and 
information! 
 
Best, 
Chao 
chao.liyale.edu