LINGUIST List 16.2897
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Fri Oct 07 2005
Review: Syntax/Uralic-Altaic Lang: Öztürk (2005)
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What follows is a review or discussion note contributed to our Book Discussion Forum. We expect discussions to be informal and interactive; and the author of the book discussed is cordially invited to join in. If you are interested in leading a book discussion, look for books announced on LINGUIST as "available for review." Then contact Sheila Dooley at dooley linguistlist.org.
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1. Nihan
Ketrez,
Case, Referentiality and Phrase Structure
Message 1: Case, Referentiality and Phrase Structure
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Date: 06-Oct-2005
From: Nihan Ketrez <NULL>
Subject: Case, Referentiality and Phrase Structure
AUTHOR: Öztürk, Balkiz TITLE: Case, Referentiality and Phrase Structure SERIES: Linguistik Aktuell / Linguistics Today Volume 77 PUBLISHER: John Benjamins Publishing Company YEAR: 2005 Announced at http://linguistlist.org/issues/16/16-1535.html Nihan Ketrez, Department of Near Eastern Languages and Civilizations, Yale University INTRODUCTION The book analyzes the two conditions on argumenthood, namely case and referentiality, and, based on data from Turkish, shows that they are strongly related. It presents a new definition of (non-)configurationality based on the availability of case-driven Agree in languages and proposes that the parametric variations observed in the (non-) configurationality across languages is closely correlated with the realization of case and referentiality in various clause structures. The argument is based on an analysis of Turkish clause structure but rich data are provided from typologically different languages such as Chinese, Hungarian, English and Japanese as well. The book has four chapters. The first chapter introduces the topics with an overview of the theoretical framework. The second and third chapters present the analysis and the proposal and discuss the crosslinguistic data. Each of them is followed by an appendix with further discussion of the relevant issues. The fourth chapter concludes the discussion. SUMMARY Chapter 1 (Introduction) is an overview of the theoretical framework of the book with a particular focus on the two conditions for argumenthood, namely visibility through case marking and theta-role assignment and referentiality assignment by a functional category such as D. In the literature these two properties of arguments are discussed as two different conditions, assigned by different functional projections. The present study proposes that these conditions are closely correlated and they need to be associated with each other in such a way that they can be assigned under the same domain. The argument is further extended to the issue of (non-)configurationality. Configurationality is defined as the availability of a case-driven Agree mechanism. Typological differences across languages in terms of configurationality is proposed to be a consequence of the way case and referentiality interact in languages. The chapter ends with an overview of the following chapters. Chapter 2 (Referentiality in Turkish) discusses how referentiality is achieved in Turkish, a language without overt determiners. It argues that there is no evidence for a DP projection in Turkish and case directly interacts with referentiality. There are no morphological determiners in Turkish. There is no definite article either. Definiteness is marked with overt case morphology. "Bir" (a/one) and the demonstratives are discussed as possible candidates for DP heads but they fail to provide any evidence for a determiner status in the language. The possibility of an abstract D is also discussed and eliminated. In the present analysis case is proposed to be a referentiality marker and type shifter that turns predicates into arguments in the absence of a DP projection. In other words, the functional projection that assigns case, also assigns referentiality in Turkish. Turkish contrasts with English-type languages in this sense, because in such languages determiners are responsible for referentiality while TP and vP mediate case assignment. The second part of the chapter discusses preverbal bare nouns as evidence to the proposal. In Turkish, in the absence of a DP projection, if an NP is merged at a position where case assignment is possible, it is type-shifted into an argument and assigned referentiality and case at the same time. If it is merged at a position where case is not available, such as the complement position of a lexical verb, the NP retains its predicate status and forms a complex predicate with the verb. The chapter presents a detailed discussion of the earlier accounts of bare objects in Turkish and adopts the pseudo-incorporation account of Massam (2001) as the mechanism that can account for complex predicate formation. A discussion of bare objects that appear in light verb constructions and idioms are also included in the discussion as further examples of complex predicates. The chapter also presents examples of agent incorporation as well as theme incorporations. The discussion in Chapter 3 is built upon the proposals in this chapter. Chapter 3 (Case, Referentiality and Non-configurationality) deals with the possible functional categories in Turkish that are responsible for case and referentiality assignment. The clause structure is divided into two major domains: The functional domain, which is above VP and the lexical domain, which is VP. Then a neo-Davidsonian Model is proposed for the arguments. Through this model, NPs can be merged either at the functional domain, or at the lexical domain. Both case and referentiality are assigned at the functional domain. In this account, there is no case-driven Agree with the heads of functional projections such as vP and TP. The chapter argues that there is no vP layer in Turkish clause structure and TP does not assign case either. Double objects constructions are discussed as evidence for theta-role assignment in situ and absence of Agree relation with functional projections such as vP or TP. Turkish is compared with Hungarian and Japanese and contrasted with Chinese and English in this respect and a crosslinguistic analysis of configurationality is proposed to account for the difference between these languages. Scrambling, null arguments, availability of pseudo-incorporation are discussed in relation to non-configurationality. In Turkish, Japanese and Hungarian, case and referentiality are assigned by the same functional category within the domain of a single functional projection. In these languages, NPs acquire their argument status in their theta-positions and they do not need to check their case through an Agree relationship with vP and TP. Under the present account and according to the configurationality definition proposed, this results in a non-configurational phrase structure because all arguments remain in their theta-positions, which are hierarchically equal, i.e., they are in an equal distance to the verb. This type of language has common properties with respect to pseudo-incorporation, scrambling, argument-drop and the superiority effects. In English-type languages on the other hand, case and referentiality are assigned at different domains by different functional categories. Referentiality is achieved within DP and the language needs a case-driven Agree with vP and TP for case assignment. In languages like English, a hierarchical structure is required therefore they are analyzed as configurational languages. Chinese, which is discussed as a representative of the third type of languages, exhibits hybrid properties in terms of non-configurationality. In Chinese, NPs enter into the structure as arguments. They only require a specification for the theta-roles, which are assigned by light verbs. The NPs remain in their theta-positions due to the absence of case morphology and V-to-T movement, scrambling is not allowed. Chinese has a configurational structure similar to English, but arguments remain in situ. It allows argument-drop and does not have superiority effects unlike Turkish-like languages. Chapter 4 (Conclusion) summarizes the main findings. CRITICAL EVALUATION This is definitely one of the most extensive studies of Turkish clause structure that has ever been published. While reading it one feels that all the pieces of the puzzle that have been around for the last couple of decades finally come together and form the big picture. It is an interesting book to read and an important contribution to linguistic theory in general. It looks at case and referentiality, which has been central to the theory, with a new perspective and in great detail. It proposes a new definition of configurationality based on case-driven Agree. It presents a very detailed analysis of Turkish clause structure together with a review of the earlier accounts of Turkish and it relates the analysis of Turkish clause structure to typologically different languages. Although its main focus is case, referentiality and configurationality, it has important implications for the clause structure in general, therefore it addresses a wide range of audience. The book is written within the theoretical framework of the Minimalist Program (Chomsky 1995) and assumes some theoretical background and theory-specific jargon. However, it is written in a clear and accessible language. Discussions may only be difficult to follow because of the ambiguous use of some terminology. The term referentiality, for example, is never defined. This makes the discussion difficult to follow especially in the first chapter because the particular term is used in completely different senses in the literature. Its use in Givon (1978), which is adopted by Massam (2001), for example, is different from its use in Fodor and Sag (1998). The discussion becomes even more confusing because an accusative case example is given citing Enç (1991) (p. 1). However, Enç (1991) discusses the accusative case in the context of specificity, not referentiality in the sense of argumenthood of nominals and it has a particular definition of specificity, based on partitivity, which does not necessarily go along with the referentiality discussion of the accusative case in the present work. Nor does it question the argument status of non-case marked objects that have "bir". In Chapter 2, a number of works are cited all together although they are not necessarily relevant to the discussion of referentiality in the sense that is discussed in the present work (p. 26). On the contrary, by analyzing the accusative case as a type-shifter only and drawing a line between the two different types of non-case marked objects, the present study is proposing a completely new clause structure, which is crucially different from all the literature. The use of the term "bare noun" is another such example of ambiguous use. In some statements it refers to predicate nominals, which are not arguments. In some others, it refers to an argument that is not overtly case marked. On p. 24 for example, the statement "... bare nouns are totally acceptable in any syntactic position in Turkish, and are interpreted as arguments" sounds like it is contradicting one of the most important points of the analysis. The analysis is based on two important proposals. One of them is the absence of DP projection in Turkish and the other one is the absence of vP layer in the clause structure. Although a detailed discussion is presented for both proposals, at the end of the discussions, the conclusion is based on absence of evidence for these projections, rather than any evidence against their existence. This is mostly because the well-known tests for vP and DP cannot be applied to Turkish. Although it is shown in detail that the clause architecture that is proposed works very well, we still need further exploration of the basic assumptions on which this architecture is built. Therefore, the book is an important contribution to the discussion of case, referentiality and configurationality not only with the solutions it provides to the problems, but also with the questions it raises and the new grounds it opens for further research. Finally, a minor comment (or correction) on one of the works cited that I come across in other studies as well. The reference Taylan (1984) does not exist. It is Erguvanli (1984). REFERENCES Enç, M. (1991). Semantics of specificity. Linguistic Inquiry 22, 1-55. Erguvanli, E. E. (1984). Function of word order in Turkish Grammar. Berkeley: University of California Press. Fodor, J. and I. Sag (1982). Referential and quantificational indefinites. Linguistics and Philosophy 5, 355-398. Givon, T. (1978). Definiteness and referentiality, in J. Greenberg (ed.) Universals of Human Language. Cambridge, MA: MIT Press, 291-330. Massam, D. (2001). Pseudo-incorporation in Niuean. Natural Language and Linguistic Theory 19, 153-197. ABOUT THE REVIEWER Nihan Ketrez is a lector in Turkish at Yale University, Department of Near Eastern Languages and Civilizations. She holds a Ph.D. in Linguistics (University of Southern California, 2005). Her research interests include Turkish morphology, syntax and child language acquisition.
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