LINGUIST List 16.3394
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Mon Nov 28 2005
Qs: Research Topic;Acoustic Discreteness v. Continuity
Editor for this issue: Jessica Boynton
<jessica linguistlist.org>
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Directory
1. fikre
reda,
Research Topic
2. Peyton
Todd,
Acoustic Discreteness vs. Continuity in Production
Message 1: Research Topic
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Date: 28-Nov-2005
From: fikre reda <figreda14 yahoo.com>
Subject: Research Topic
Dear sir/madam: I am trying to prepare a research topic for a PhD program. My preference divided among some possible areas. I finally decided to work on Gender Assignment to Inanimate Beings: a socioliguistc Approach. I did my masters degee in Teaching English as a Foreign Language ( TEFL). So do you think this is a researchable area? Code switching is also the second option I have in my list.What about this? I kindly request you to forward me your scholarly opinion regarding my questions. The medium of instruction used is English but I am planning to relate the topic with a certain minority semitic language. with Regards,
Linguistic Field(s):
Sociolinguistics
Message 2: Acoustic Discreteness vs. Continuity in Production
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Date: 25-Nov-2005
From: Peyton Todd <peytontodd mindspring.com>
Subject: Acoustic Discreteness vs. Continuity in Production
Hello. I have two related questions: 1. No one doubts that phonemes are discrete. They are perceived categorically, for example. But is it known whether their pronunciation is discrete ACOUSTICALLY? That is, imagining an acoustic 'space' - I don't know how many dimensions - maybe height of formant 1, height of formant 2, amount of fricative noise, etc? - how much overlap is there? To keep it simple, assume I'm asking about a single speaker:. I presume there is at least some overlap, but is it substantial? 2. The above question was really to set the context for my main question, which is about intonation. To many people, intonation at least seems to vary continuously. I realize that there are theories (e.g. Pierrehumbert's) which claim there are discrete tones (H, L, evidently M for some) and discrete positions for them (H*, H-, H%, etc.) and further constellations thereof ('surprise-redundancy', 'contrast-incredulity', etc.), but: do their ACOUSTIC profiles 'clump' ( in the productions of a given speaker) to the same extent as what I presume is found for segmental phonemes? Does it do so at all? References which show this? Thanks for any help you can provide! Peyton Todd
Linguistic Field(s):
Phonetics
Phonology
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