LINGUIST List 17.2099
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Thu Jul 20 2006
Review: Syntax, Semantics: Pafel (2006)
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1. Michael
Putnam,
Quantifier Scope in German (Syntax)
Message 1: Quantifier Scope in German (Syntax)
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Date: 20-Jul-2006
From: Michael Putnam <mtputnam umich.edu>
Subject: Quantifier Scope in German (Syntax)
Announced at http://linguistlist.org/issues/17/17-357.html Author: Pafel, Jürgen Title: Quantifier Scope in German Publisher: John Benjamins Year: 2005 Michael T. Putnam, Department of Languages and Literatures, Michigan State University *This review benefited greatly from comments and correspondence with Winfried Lechner, Jie Zhang and Jürgen Pafel. Any remaining shortcomings are my own. INTRODUCTION As clearly stated in the title, the central topic of this monograph focuses on quantifier scope in German. In this revised version of his Habilitationsschrift "Skopus und logische Struktur. Studien zum Quantorenskopus im Deutschen" (1997) (Universität Tübingen) Jürgen Pafel delivers a comprehensive account of quantifier scope in German. The scope behavior both of ordinary quantifiers and negative, adverbial, interrogative, relative and particle quantifiers is investigated. In the preface to this work Pafel accurately affirms the bold challenge of analyzing quantifier scope within the parameters of linguistic theory: "Quantifier scope is a challenge to linguistic theory as it is a phenomenon which is determined by the interplay of different factors. Such interactions have not been studied in depth and theoretical frameworks are not well prepared to cope with true interactions ...Quantifier scope is basically a semantic phenomenon, it is, however, an interface phenomenon par excellence too, as the interaction of factors determining quantifier scope is part of the constraints relating syntax and semantics, more precisely, part of the constraints connecting syntactic and semantic structure" (xiii). In this work Pafel develops an independent level of linguistic structure known as "semantic structure", or quite simply "s-structure", at which semantic phenomena such as quantifier scope are constructed and interpreted. This predominantly functionalist approach proposes "linear models" with linear equations "which predicts the observed scope readings and their degree of preference quite accurately" (p. 51). In establishing the form and function of s-structure and how it would properly working within a linguistic theory, Pafel reaches the conclusion that transformational models of grammar are flawed in their inability to accurately predict (i.e. a lack of both descriptive and explanatory adequacy) quantifier scope constructions in German. Likewise, Pafel also points out potential conceptual weaknesses quantifier scope constructions in German encounter within Optimality-Theory. The purpose of this review is to offer a critical analysis of Pafel's contribution to linguistic theory in this book, namely, the concept of a separate, non-configurational linguistic level labeled semantic structure. REVIEW OF GENERAL ARGUMENT In Chapter 1 (Preliminaries), Pafel gives an introduction to the empirical and theoretical aspects of quantifier scope and presents the syntactic and semantic assumptions that enter into this investigation. In my opinion, Pafel does an excellent job of setting up his general argument with a thorough discussion and explanation of the basic terminology that he makes regular use of throughout the course of the text. Pafel even goes into substantial detail in describing and defending his data elicitation and evaluation procedures. In Section 1.1.2, Pafel attacks the "syntactocentristic" view of linguistic theory as developed by Noam Chomsky since 1975. The main premise behind this criticism of the Chomskian model lies in the lack of independence awarded to semantic structure. Within this transformational system there is a level of semantic interpretation called logical form (LF), where scope takes the form of a syntactic theory of scope; however, to a large extent the semantics of a given sentence is dependent upon its syntactic structure. In contrast, Pafel favors a non-configurational view the linguistic system which copes with diverse aspects of linguistic signs (cf. their phonetic-phonological, prosodic, morphological, syntactic, and semantic aspects) by generating relative autonomous, parallel structural descriptions of these aspects. While campaigning for "semantic independence" one of the fundamental issues – if not the fundamental issue – discussed in this book is the true nature of semantic structure and its relationship to syntactic structure. In Chapter 2 (Relative scope), Pafel further develops his linear model of how quantifier scope is determined in German and comes to the conclusion that relative scope is configurationally represented on a level of representation which is not a syntactic, but a semantic, level dubbed "semantic structure". In his discussion of "some basic patterns of Q/Q-interaction" (2.1), Pafel introduces an apparent weakness in attributing quantifier scope to syntactic considerations (i.e. by assuming that relative scope can be determined by the c-command relations of quantifiers and their traces). Pafel contends that "configurational theories" such as minimalism and their treatment of quantifier scope would lead to ungrammatical constructions such as Weak Cross Over (WCO) effects. Interestingly here Pafel provides only English data (p. 59) to illustrate WCO effects. The generalization that changes in the word order of arguments do not lead to WCO effects in German is attested by many authors (cf. Webelhuth 1992, Frank, Lee & Rambow 1996, Putnam 2006). Therefore the relevance of mentioning WCO effects as a possible shortcoming of transformational theories such as minimalism in relation to quantifier scope bears no effect on the discussion of German data. In the middle of Chapter 2, Pafel establishes a healthy laundry list of multiple linguistic properties responsible for determining relative scope. The author identifies no less than 13 properties that determine relative scope, which can be divided into eight groups. 1. Syntactic constellation 2. Grammatical function 3. Thematic Property 4. Distributivity 5. D(iscourse)-binding 6. Definiteness 7. Focus 8. Negation Attraction In discussing the "syntactic constellation" in relation to quantifier scope, Pafel collapses linear precedence and c-command into this aforementioned term. This is somewhat of a misnomer in that constituents may indeed reside in a position of linear precedence while simultaneously not c-commanding lower constituents (for example, if the linear superior element participates in adjunction). The lack of clear distinctions between linear precedence and c-command sometimes blurs the exact nature and function of "syntactic constellation" in Pafel's model. According to Pafel, the critical data are to be found in the relations between attributive quantifiers inside a noun phrase, i.e. the scope relations between quantificational PP or genitive attributes in noun phrases (p. 63-4). Pafel introduces sub-domains of VP to support his properties of internal-precedence (IN-PRE) and external-precedence (EX-PRE), making a distinction between quantifiers that reside in the Vorfeld and Mittelfeld domains of German clauses. The ontology of these 'sub-domains' tangentially resemble Chomsky's notion of strong phases (vP and CP). Surprisingly, Pafel does not make mention of Chomsky's seminal work on minimalism (the latest work of Chomsky's that he sites in his bibliography is Barriers (1986)). The remainder of Chapter 2 demonstrates how the interplay of these various grammatical properties of quantifier scope are calculated and assessed through weighted, numerical constraints (pp. 88-106). At first blush it would appear that such constraints may be able to be mapped into a representational theory of grammar such as Optimality Theory (OT), Pafel addresses this claim by noting a stark contrast between linear models and OT. In the former model, structures are evaluated as possible/impossible and preferred/not preferred such that there might exist several possible structures with distinct or the same degree of preference. The structures do not compete with one another, but ever structure is evaluated independently of the other ones. Finally, in linear model the constraints are numerically weighted rather than hierarchically arranged as in OT (cf. p. 124). Although Pafel rejects traditional OT, it appears that his approach is representational at its core. Arguing for a level where quantifier scope is configurationally represented – distinct from the syntactic level – also offers a blueprint for a potential new design of LF (p.115). Chapters 3 (Absolute scope), 4 (Indefinites and quantifiers) and 5 (Interrogative quantifiers) provide an in depth discussion and treatment of the aforementioned aspects of quantifier scope and their existence in German. In Chapter 3, the quantifier scope properties of complex sentences in German are investigated with an integrated model of absolute and relative scope determination being introduced as the appropriate mechanism to handle these structures. In Chapter 4, different types of indefinite noun phrases are distinguished: quantificational and non-quantificational ones, and, among the non-quantificational ones, non-specific, (weakly and strongly) specific and generic indefinite noun phrases. This chapter uncovers the quirky behavior of non-quantificational indefinite noun phrases: these different indefinites are "uniformly analyzed as names (of a kind), which, in semantic structure, may lead to, or trigger, the introduction of a quantifier which ranges over the instances of the kind (the quantifier can be an existential one or some variety of a generic quantifier)" (pp. xiv-xv). This special type of quantifier is argued to not have a syntactic counterpart and thus only appears in the level of semantic structure. Chapter 5 completes Pafel's investigation of the major areas of quantifier scope in German and confirms the hypothesis established in earlier chapters that wh-phrases and are quantifiers subject to the same regularities as non-interrogative quantifiers. Chapter 6 (Alternative scope accounts) and Chapter 7 (Towards a theory of semantic structure) function as the locus of Pafel's central claims in this book. In Chapter 6, a survey of alternative theoretical models (configurational, semantically and pragmatically-based theories as well as multi-factor theories) are introduced and critiqued. In Chapter 7, the basic construction and interpretation of the independent level of semantic structure is delivered. Turning first to Chapter 6, Pafel asserts that modern configurational (syntactic theories) attempts to explain scope can be deduced purely from formal structural configurations (i.e. c-command). In particular, Pafel takes issue with May's (1985) reformulation of LF to account for wh/Q-interaction and its inability to account for the facts of this relationship in both English and German (cf. Section 5.2). To support this claim Pafel provides two pivotal data sets showing that the reading with the direct object outscoping the subject depends on the lexical properties of the quantifiers involved ((1) and (2) below) and sentences with topicalization ((3) – (6) below) (both data sets taken from Pafel pp. 239-40). (1) Most of the students read every book. (every > most: *) (2) Some of the students read every book. (every > some: OK) Topicalization examples: (3) All of us have read many of these books with great enthusiasm. (ambiguous) (4) Many of these books, all of us have read with great enthusiasm. (only: many > all) (5) Many people come to New York every summer. (ambiguous) (6) Every summer, many people come to New York. (only: every > many) As noted by Pafel, "Changing the relative precedence of two quantifiers by topicalization in English has the same effect as topicalization and scrambling in German: the scope value of the preceding quantifier becomes distinctly great such that the wide scope reading of the quantifiers becomes available or even the only possible reading – depending on how high the scope value is without taking syntactic constellation into account" (p. 240). In conclusion to his discussion of configurational theories of scope interpretation and their subsequent weaknesses, Pafel notes that since the mid 1980s it has become common place to interpret not only the position of the quantifier in syntactic structure, but also the position of its traces. A blatant shortcoming of these sorts of theories is that they are ununified with respect to exactly where scope determination takes place: on logical form, on s-structure or on a reconstructed structure (cf. p. 244). Concerning multi-factor theories (cf. Section 6.3), Pafel primarily focuses his attention on the work of Beghelli, Stowell and Szabolcsi in Szabolcsi (ed.) (1997). The basic idea behind these theories is that quantifiers can or must occupy distinct position at LF depending on the quantifier type they belong to. Under this approach, scope determination "becomes an epiphenomenon of feature checking" (p. 255). Such a minimalist theory makes the following predictions (data from Pafel 256-57). (7) Every (/each) student reads two books. (ambiguous) (8) Two students read every (/each) book. (ambiguous) (9) Jeder Pianist hat zwei Beethoven Sonaten in seinem Repertoire. (unequivocal) every piano play has two Beethoven sonatas in his repertoire 'Every piano player has two Beethoven sonatas in his repertoire.' (10) Zwei Beethoven-Sonaten hat jeder Pianist in seinem Repertoire. (ambiguous) two Beethoven sonatas has every piano play in his repertoire 'Two Beethoven sonatas, every piano player has in his repertoire.' In both (7) and (8) we have a group-denoting quantifier phrase (GQP) (two books, two students) and a distributive-universal quantifer phrase (DQP) (every or each). Accordingly, "a GQP should be scopally ambiguous with respect to a clausemate DQP, depending on whether the GQP move to Spec of RefP or to Spec of ShareP" (Beghelli/Stowell 1997:80). The data in (9) and (10) show that the predictions of the theory are at variance with the facts in German (and several other languages). According to Beghelli/Stowell, any sort of contrast in (9) and (10) is unpredicted and unexpected; both sentences should produce an equally ambiguous scope reading. As a result, Pafel concludes that fixed positions at LF do not and can not explain the various grammatical properties involved in determining relative scope. Chapter 7 provides a sketch of the nature of semantic structure, the level of analysis where the meaning-compositional aspects of the readings of a sentence and its parts are represented. In this chapter, Pafel focuses on three principal aspects of his newly defined semantic structure, namely, the semantic features and semantic structures that make up this level of analysis (7.1), the interpretation of semantic structures (7.2) and the construction of semantic structures from syntactic ones (7.3). Chapter 8 (Conclusion) – which consists of only two pages – wraps up this work. CRITICAL ANALYSIS First and foremost, this book is an excellent resource for anyone pursuing an in depth study of quantifier scope in German. The ocean of data provided in the first five chapters function as a great springboard for anyone researching this topic or topics closely related to it. My main criticisms with this work lie within the theoretical assumptions and conclusions put forth by Pafel. First, let us consider Pafel's statements about OT. Pafel's brief discussion of OT (p. 124) concludes that the main problem that besets this representational framework is its lack of cumulativity. According to a cumulative view of OT, a candidate is deemed a loser in OT if it violates a higher ranked constraint that other competing candidates. With cumulativity through the introduction of numerical, weighted constraints in a linear model this is not a problem: A candidate can violate a higher ranked constraint and be grammatical if it fulfills enough lower ranked constraints, i.e. the violation can be compensated. Thus "a quantifier's tendency to wide scope gets stronger if it satisfies more scope-relevant properties ... In other words, the fact that the values a quantifier gets relative to each scope-relevant properties are added up to its scope value is what makes the linear model cumulative, or, additive" (Jürgen Pafel, personal communication). Such a conclusion rests solely upon a primitive notion of OT and ignores the works of those such as Flemming (2001) on how to appropriately include weighted constraints into the OT-framework. As shown by Flemming, the application of weighted constraints in OT can be achieved without introducing additional complex machinery to the language system. Speaking of complex machinery and economy considerations, similar to OT, Pafel's linear model is incredibly complicated in that multiple (perhaps an infinite number of them?) candidates must be evaluated along with the calculation and assessment of each and every numerically weighted constraint. Therefore although this model addressed a multitude of grammatical properties involved in determining quantifier scope although with their numerical weight, it is inherently complex from a mental processing standpoint. Considering its potential relation to derivational, configurational theories of syntax-semantics interaction (i.e. minimalism), Pafel states that his semantic structure is "a new kind of argument for 'logical form'" (p. 115). Adherents to the minimalist program should focus on Section 7.3 (the construction of semantic structures from syntactic structures) in any attempt to better understand how "semantic structure" could potentially serve to improve and revise an understanding of LF. Many of the theoretical shortcomings pertaining to configurational (syntactic) and multi-factor frameworks brought to light by Pafel in Chapter 6 should, however, be seriously considered. For example, Pafel's claims that since the mid 1980s most, if not all, derivational treatments of scope determination rest not only on the quantifier's final position but also the placement of its traces exposes a current weakness in the minimalist program, namely, how exactly are lower traces, i.e. copies, of moved constituents interpreted? If quantifier raising involves adjunction, is there perhaps a different sort of trace/copy mechanism involved in this mechanism of traversal? Regarding the argument for or against fixed positions at LF, Pafel (personal communication) points out that many operations – such as middle field scrambling in German – that also appear to lack fixed positions and can hardly be attributed solely to operations in the narrow syntax. This, of course, raises the timeless question behind the motivation of movement operations in the narrow syntax. Not only that, but such data and inquiries also question the premise of a catographic approach to the construction of phrase structure and natural clauses. In this regard, Pafel's work also finds a home among scholars of minimalism in their quest to better understand LF. In conclusion, this book is well-written and has a nice, logical progression with its presentation of data and relative arguments. In Chapters 6 and 7, Pafel raises many questions for proponents and opponents to dominant linguistics schools of thought (e.g. minimalists, adherents of OT, those in support of non-transformational frameworks, etc.). Although what Pafel provides his reader regarding his notion of "semantic structure" in Chapter 7 is only a sketch at this point in time, it will be interesting in time to see what developments and adaptations stem from this work, not only by the hands of the author, but also by those who use this book as a reference source. REFERENCES Beghelli, Filippo and Tim Stowell. (1997) Distributivity and Negation: The Syntax of Each and Every. In Anna Szabolcsi (ed.), Ways of Scope Taking. Dodrecht: Kluwer, 71-107. Chomsky, Noam. (1986) Barriers. Cambridge: MIT Press. Flemming, Edward. (2001) Scalar and Categorical Phenomena in a Unified Model of Phonetics and Phonology. Phonology. 18(1): 7-44. Frank, Robert, Young-Suk and Lee, and Owen Rambow. (1996) Scrambling Reconstruction and Subject Binding. Rivista di Grammatica Generativa. 21: 67-106. Putnam, Michael T. (2006) Scrambling in West Germanic as XP-Adjunction: A Critical Analysis of Prolific Domains. Ph.D. dissertation. University of Kansas-Lawrence. Szabolcsi, Anna (ed.). (1997) Ways of Scope Taking. Dordrecht: Kluwer. Webelhuth, Gert. (1992) Principles and Parameters and Syntactic Saturation. Oxford: Oxford University Press. ABOUT THE REVIEWER Michael T. Putnam is a Visiting Assistant Professor of German at Michigan State University. His primary research areas lie in German linguistics and syntactic theory, with a particular focus on the syntax-pragmatic interface, Germanic languages (diachronic and synchronic) and German-American dialects (with a focus on Pennsylvania German).
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