Date: 15-Sep-2007
From: Bettina Zeisler <zeis uni-tuebingen.de>
Subject: Response to: Tones and Genes: A Question
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Re: LINGUIST List issue: http://linguistlist.org/issues/18/18-1697.html To answer - with some delay - Hal Schiffman's question (''...there are tonal languages like modern Tibetan that were originally non-tonal, i.e. Classical Tibetan has no tones. Would the genetic hypothesis claim that the genes of Tibetans have changed radically in the last two millennia?''): 1. How do we know that Classical Tibetan CT, nota bene only a written language, had no tones? We have some indications that at least at the time when the second grammatical treatise, the so-called _rtags-kyi vjug-pa_, was written or compiled (unfortunately we can only speculate when this happened, probably not before the 9th century CE), the spoken language must have developed tonal register properties, most probably on a sub-phonemic level, since we can find a four-fold classification of root consonants (the core initial following the pre- or superscribed consonants) in terms of gender: 1. 'male' (CT unvoiced root consonants), 2. 'neutral' (CT unvoiced aspirated consonants), 3. 'female' (CT voiced consonants), and 4. 'very female' (CT nasals). The gender description most probably did not refer to the pitch but to the articulation force ('male' = forced = high; 'female' = soft = low), as the same or similar tonal (register or pitch) properties can be found in some of the modern emerging-tone dialects. While the phonemic register distinction is only binary (former unvoiced = high vs. former voiced = low), some modern emerging-tone dialects in eastern Ladakh and possibly elsewhere may have a sub-phonemic five way distinction: 1. high for originally unvoiced root consonants, 2. neutral for originally unvoiced-aspirated root consonants, 3. low for devoiced root consonants (those that originally had no initial affixes), 4. lower for still voiced initial consonants (originally with initial affixes), and 5. lowest for voiced nasals (originally without initial affixes; those nasals which had affixes became unvoiced and thus high). 2. 'Modern Tibetan' is a quite misleading term, referring only to the Central Tibetan coiné and its further development in the exile or even more specifically only to the dialect (sometimes even only a particular sociolect) of Lhasa. There are many modern Tibetan varieties that are non tonal or emerging-tone dialects, particularly those of Amdo and Kham (Eastern Tibet), Ladakh (India), and Baltistan (Pakistan). 3. The earliest documents of the Tibetan language date from the 7th century CE, the question whether genes might have changed is thus not one of 2 millenia but hardly of 1. But why not? We have some evidence that throughout the documented history, i.e. since the 7th century as well as in the prehistorical era, the whole Tibetan speaking area suffered repeated migrations, involving not only Tibeto-Burman groups, but also Indo-European, Turco-Mongolic, and most probably other minor groups. Thus first of all, we cannot start with a genetically well defined Tibetan identity. And secondly, yes the genetic composition on the Tibetan plateau may well have changed during the last 1 millenium. Furthermore, it is well possible that (some of) the prehistorical ancestors of the now Central Tibetan population were originally speaking a tonal language. We know from a 9th century inscription in Lhasa containing Chinese transcriptions of Tibetan names that the officials at the Central Tibetan imperial court were obviously speaking quite a different dialect/language than those people who were responsible for the Old Tibetan orthography. 4. However, and this as well as the following is a comment on D.R. Ladd & Dan Dediu's paper, low tone (pitch or register) is apparently only one phonetic feature attached to voice (which seems to be the outcome of a bundle of accustic or articulatory features) and can also be found in the European languages as a specialist in phonetics once explained to me. According to him, many if not most phonemic pitch oppositions resulted diachronically from an original voice opposition. Apparently the speech community starts neglecting one of the features, emphasizing one of the other features. I really wonder whether this shift in acoustic attention can be triggered by a genetical disposition, particularly as this shift may be very gradual: As one can observe in the modern Ladakhi varieties, the voice distinction may partially break down without the introduction of pitch distinctions, or a pitch distinction may evolve while retaining the voice distinction to a great extent. Phonetic pitch distinctions (as perceived by the speakers themselves) might be 5-fold as described above or only binary, leading to the inability of speakers to correlate aspirated and voiced consonants in any meaningful way (say 'neutral') to this opposition. It would be very promising to look for possible genetic correlations to these quite distinct developments in a quite restricted area. It might be even more promising to look whether the individual abilities to perceive non-phonemic pitch distinctions might be correlated to the proposed genetic variation. Such correlation should follow from the authors reaffirmations that, on the one hand, tonal distinctions can be introduced into a speech community by language contact, but that, on the other hand, there is something like a genetic disposition to focus on pitch or register instead of on voice. 5. Many tonal languages do not only have phonemic pitch distinctions, but also contour distinctions (level, falling, rising, etc.), which might likewise be connected with diachronic sound changes, e.g. in the syllable coda as in the Tibetan tone languages. The reasons for giving up voice distinctions is certainly a different one than that for reducing syllable codas. How does the genetic hypothesis account for this difference? 6. The - at least in some cases - observable diachronic shift from voice distinctions to pitch distinctions seems to be at variance with the claim that ''the distribution of the older ... alleles ... resembles the distribution of tone languages'' and that the ''new alleles'' correlated to non-tonal languages ''seem to be spreading quickly in the human species''. From these statements one should have expected a diachronically observable shift from tonal to non-tonal languages, not the opposite way.
Linguistic Field(s):
General Linguistics
Historical Linguistics
Phonetics
Phonology
Typology
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