LINGUIST List 18.452
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Fri Feb 09 2007
Diss: Semantics/Syntax: Castroviejo: 'Wh-exclamatives in Catalan'
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Directory
1. Elena
Castroviejo,
Wh-exclamatives in Catalan
Message 1: Wh-exclamatives in Catalan
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Date: 08-Feb-2007
From: Elena Castroviejo <elena.castroviejo upf.edu>
Subject: Wh-exclamatives in Catalan
Institution: University of Barcelona
Program: Cognitive Science and Language
Dissertation Status: Completed
Degree Date: 2006
Author: Elena Castroviejo
Dissertation Title: Wh-exclamatives in Catalan
Dissertation URL: http://mutis.upf.es/glif/pub/elena/elena/tesi.pdf
Linguistic Field(s):
Semantics
Syntax
Subject Language(s): Catalan-Valencian-Balear (cat)
Dissertation Director:
Louise E McNally
Xavier Villalba Nicolás
Dissertation Abstract:
The main goal of the thesis Wh-exclamatives in Catalan is to shed light on the characterization of a type of clause that has not received as much attention as other types of clauses such as interrogatives or declaratives. My working hypothesis is that exclamatives are a kind of degree construction that is reminiscent of comparative and result clause constructions. However, exclamatives and declarative degree constructions differ in at least two important properties: the presence of wh-movement and their way of updating the Common Ground. This work specifically studies two instances of wh-exclamatives in Catalan, namely exclamatives whose wh-word is the degree operator que ('how') ((1)) and exclamatives introduced by the wh-word quin ('what') ((2)). (1) [Que alt]DegP que és en Pau! 'How tall Pau is!' (2) [Quin pastís [tan bo] DegP]DP que ha preparat en Ferran! 'What a nice cake Ferran made!' Syntactically, I assume that the wh-phrase lands in Spec,C and, thus, the presence of the complementizer que in Cº. On the other hand, I propose that it is required that the wh-phrase include a DegP introduced by tan or que (the latter of which I analyze as tan [+wh]). Semantically, tan is a degree operator that establishes a "greater than or equal to" relation between two degrees, a reference degree and a standard degree. The reference degree is the degree of ADJ-ness of the individual that is the argument of the gradable adjective, interpreted as a measure function. The standard degree is taken from context and it must be high. Finally, the particular discourse contribution of exclamatives (i.e., they cannot be used as answers to questions) has led me to propose that they include descriptive content that is not asserted. More specifically, an exclamative contains two kinds of meaning: an explicit meaning (i.e., that the subject is at least as ADJ as a high degree) and an implicated meaning (i.e., that the speaker shows an attitude towards the subject's degree of ADJ-ness). I analyze the explicit meaning as a fact (and not as a proposition), because the speaker does not use this content as new information to update the Common Ground.
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