LINGUIST List 19.2344
|
Thu Jul 24 2008
Review: Typology: Floricic (2007)
Editor for this issue: Randall Eggert
<randy linguistlist.org>
|
This LINGUIST List issue is a review of a book published by one of our
supporting publishers, commissioned by our book review editorial staff. We
welcome discussion of this book review on the list, and particularly invite
the author(s) or editor(s) of this book to join in. To start a discussion of
this book, you can use the
Discussion form on the LINGUIST List website. For
the subject of the discussion, specify "Book Review" and the issue number of
this review. If you are interested in reviewing a book for LINGUIST, look for
the most recent posting with the subject "Reviews: AVAILABLE FOR REVIEW", and
follow the instructions at the top of the message. You can also contact the
book review staff directly.
|
Directory
1. Pierre
Larrivée,
La Négation dans les Langues Romanes
Message 1: La Négation dans les Langues Romanes
|
Date: 24-Jul-2008
From: Pierre Larrivée <p.larrivee aston.ac.uk>
Subject: La Négation dans les Langues Romanes
E-mail this message to a friend
Announced at http://linguistlist.org/issues/18/18-3416.html
EDITOR: Floricic, Franck TITLE: La Négation dans les Langues Romanes SERIES: Lingvisticae Investigationes Supplementa Series 26 PUBLISHER: John Benjamins YEAR: 2007 Pierre Larrivee, Aston University SUMMARY Formerly at Toulouse and now at the Sorbonne, Franck Floricic, the editor of this collection, is a specialist of Romance languages who has published on an extensive series of issues concerning negation in varieties of Italian and in French. The stated objective of this volume to further the understanding of issues raised by negation in Romance languages is pursued by the ten refereed papers selected from the 2006 Toulouse Journees Romanes meeting on the theme of Romance negation. Their contents will be summarized here before an overall assessment of the volume is offered below. [All accents have been removed to make the text accessible.] The first paper, by Rosa Medina Granda (Occitano antiguo ''ge(n)s'': Su ausencia en ciertos contextos negativos, 1-27), deals with the behavior of Old Occitan ''gens''. It follows the expected path from a marker of ontological class (< latin ''genus'') to an ''Indefinite quantifier''. Unexpected distribution of the item is revealed through a study of troubadour texts, where absence is found in subordinates of a negated main clause, as well as with modals and inherently negative verbs. The speculation is that both contexts already have a negative polarity that makes ''gens'' unnecessary; it is proposed that the use of ''gens'' would actually turn the negative polarity of the verbs to a positive polarity. Whatever the merit the speculations may have, the article draws attention to the importance of progressive co-occurrence in language change (as shown convincingly by Ingham 2000, for instance). Anna Orlandini and Paolo Poccetti (Il y a ''nec'' et ''nec'': Trois valeurs de la negation en latin et dans les langues de l'Italie ancienne, 29-47) deal with the uses of ''nec'' in Old Italian. This form conjoins the classical use as a coordination, an archaic use as a coordinating sentence negation and a later emphatic sentence negation usage. The emphatic use is considered derived from the coordination usage, given shared formal status. The relation between coordination and adverbial negation is further illustrated by Italic languages Oscan and Umbrian that have for both functions a single form ''ne(i)p'' assumed to come from *ne-kwe. The interpretative relation between coordination and emphatic sentence negation is speculated to depend upon the fact that emphasis is a pragmatic parameter illustrating enrichment attaching to coordination (where ''and'' can communicate both ''as well as'' and ''and then''). The article by M. Teresa Espinal (Licensing expletive negation and negative concord in Romance languages, 49-74) continues her long-standing consideration of multiple negations in Catalan. A comparison is made between Catalan and Spanish that includes dialectal and historical varieties. Unlike Catalan, Spanish shows a strong subject/object asymmetry in the distribution of n-words. That is because n-words occupy a different position in the preverbal and in the postverbal DPs in Spanish, whereas they would have the same position in all Catalan DPs. The potential of Catalan n-words for expletive and concord interpretation is due to their dependency on a negative operator. A non-veridical operator absorbs the negative trait of the n-word to produce an expletive reading, the concord interpretation is licensed by an anti-veridical operator, following the notions developed by Giannakidou (1998). Anamaria Falaus (Le paradoxe de la double negation dans une langue a concordance negative stricte, 75-97) deals with the dynamics of concord and double negation readings in Romanian. Both readings are available to multiple n-word sentences equivalent to ''Nobody loves no one'', which may refer to a loveless world, or a world in which everybody loves someone. As does Espinal, Falaus demonstrates that the process of concord is independent from the nature of n-words. Concord would involve n-words forming a complex polyadic quantifier in the style of de Swart and Sag (2002); recursion forcing n-words to be interpreted separately would bring about double negation. Liliane Jagueneau (Negation simple et negation discontinue en occitan limousin, 99-116) provides a descriptive synchronic study of the use of postverbal negation compared to the more formal embracing negation in the Occitan of Limoges. Based on data from linguistic atlases, the various factors generally considered for the use of ''ne'' are reviewed, and it comes as no surprise that neither phonetic environment, nor the geographical distribution, nor the types of interaction provide all the answers. The paper by Franck Floricic and Francoise Mignon (Negation et reduplication intensive en francais et en italien, 117-136) offers an analysis of reduplicated negation ''No no'' and ''Non non'' in Italian and French. The sentential uses of ''No(n)'' are correlated to an anaphoric reading. Their reactive character explains why the interjection use of ''No(n)!'' and its reduplication ''No(n) no(n)'' are strictly found outside syntactic relationships (* Oui ou non non?, * Je crois que non non), unlike the simple use of ''No(n)'' (Oui ou non?, Je crois que non). Reduplicated ''No(n)'' is proposed to constitute a face-saving negation rather than the stronger rejection that reduplication might have led one to expect. The discursive contextualizations are clear and ideally suited to the enunciative framework used, a popular French movement that insists on the integration of discourse parameters to linguistic meaning. It is a thoroughly Anglo-Saxon outlook that is adopted by Daniele Godard and Jean-Marie Marandin (Aspects pragmatiques de la negation renforcee en italien, 137-160) in their study of emphatic negative constructions in Italian such as ''NIENTE non ho fatto'' (''I have done NOTHING''). These display a doubling of preverbal negation that would normally result in double negation but that in this case yield emphasis. Such cases are shown to occur with activated propositions in the sense of Schwenter (2006), where the proposition is accessible to the hearer through previous explicit mention (the previous example as an answer to something like ''You seem to have done something strange to the computer'') or inference. This notion used to account for the distribution of ''presuppositional'' negative markers such as Italian ''mica'' or Brazilian Portuguese postverbal ''nao'' is usefully extended to the considered Italian construction and formalized as a type of reprise-assertion within HPSG. Available elsewhere in English, this important work heralds the possibility of using a well-defined pragmatic notion to capture the constellation of emphasis phenomena related to negation and other provinces of grammar. Tine Van Hecke provides the reader with an interesting study of the old problem of the relations between negation and deontic modalities (La negation de la modalite deontique. Divergences et convergences entre francais, italien et roumain, 161-176). She gives a clear sense of the competing hypotheses on the basis of a limited yet representative list of references. The data is really of contemporary French, despite occasional contemporary and historical illustrations from Italian, Romanian and also Dutch. The use of web attested examples leads to identify three main readings where negation scopes over the modal: assertive (as in ''You don't have to come''), evaluative (''You don't have to come to know what will be said''), epistemic (something like ''You don't have to wait very long to get the answer''). These are notoriously difficult to pin down, but the exploration of the contextual role of tenses and the illocutionary dimension of dissuasions shows that a purely lexicalist approach will not do. The last two papers are concerned with negative prefixes in French, which is found in other Romance and Germanic languages. Helene Huot (La prefixation negative en francais moderne, 177-203) looks at ''in-'' in the electronic version of the dictionary ''Le Petit Robert''. The prefix is on the one hand compared to sentence negation, which leads the contributor to propose that it attaches to verbs; its focus would fall on peripheral aspectual and modal suffixes, and the discussion therefore turns to uses with forms suffixed by ''-able''. A descriptive proposal is made in a FrameNet framework, and former descriptive generalizations are addressed. It is specifically the behavior of words with both the suffix ''-able'' and the negative prefix ''in-'' that is considered in the last paper from a team of morphologists (Georgette Dal, Natalia Grabar, Stephanie Lignon, Francois Yvon, Delphine Tribout et Clement Plancq, Les adjectifs en in-X-able en francais, 205-224). Their contribution is largely methodological, by discussing issues relating to the exploration of a large press corpus supplemented by web investigations. The descriptive contribution is uncontroversial: the application of the negative prefix to ''-able'' suffixes evokes the non-satisfaction of expected properties, and the point is emphasized that derived forms are not necessarily sharing the interpretative properties of the base forms. EVALUATION As far as edited volumes go, this constitutes a fairly coherent and well-rounded one. It resists promoting any particular theoretical framework, although it does present views from HPSG and the Minimalist Program. These are very much put to the service of a better understanding of the issues raised by negation, and the occurrence of these issues across papers is demonstrated by a brief look at the useful notional index. The balance between the diachronic and synchronic is kept, with an attempt to relate them in many papers. There is a good mix of Romance languages studied, and while the language of the contributions is mainly French, with one in Spanish and another in English, the monolingual reader can get a gist of the contents through the summary in the introduction and the abstracts at the end of the articles. On the whole, a reasonable knowledge is displayed of the standard work in the field, given that no article can be expected to cover a rather formidable bibliography (Larrivee 2004, which tries to provide a complete reference list for work on the grammar of French negation alone, has forty pages of references). Few typos were found to mar the collection. The collection does present a more nuanced picture of the grammar of negation. The discussions of 'emphasis' show how important it is for the grammar of negation, and the suggestion is provided of capturing it through the promising mechanism of activated propositions. Another notable contribution is the idea that processes yielding double negation, negative concord and expletive readings must be considered as distinct from the nature of n-words. While some have proposed that n-words entering in concord relationships must be indefinite, the fact that they can produce double negation must show that this couldn't (always) be the case (Larrivee 2004). The point is echoed at different levels of explicitness in the papers by Espinal, Falaus, and Godard and Marandin, although an opportunity for cross-reference and discussion is lost. The main criticism that could be levied against several contributions is the very intuitive status of the generalizations proposed, when there are any. It is commendable that the maze of observable co-occurrences and restrictions be related to more general functionalities. The analogical correspondence between facts and categories are not always formulated in a way that is testable and transferable. This is not exclusively a problem of descriptive approaches, as formal analyses are just as liable to similar analogical reasoning. The necessity to define notions and have diagnostics for their application is illustrated by some of the work presented here. A related issue is that of the object of generalization. The aim seems to be to describe what is and not what is possible, and that is demonstrated by the reliance of some contributions on extensive corpora. Of course, it is difficult to establish (im)possibilities in historical or dialectal varieties. Yet, one would have thought that the point of typology applied to one particular language family is precisely to detect what is done in one variety that isn't in others. Of course, it is difficult to achieve an adequate description of facts, which is very much wanting in theoretical and empirical studies. But surely, a good description should tell one what should not be found, would it be only because this would help to sort between competing explanations. That these are not discussed very much at all, as shown by the virtual absence of starred examples, is something of a disappointment. Nonetheless, the collection fulfils its promises. It draws attention to some novel data, raises the profile of some key notions, and gives a finer-grained view of issues such as the nature n-words. Specialists of the grammar of negation and of Romance languages will no doubt find interest in this collection. REFERENCES Giannakidou, Anastasia, 1998. _Polarity Sensitivity as (Non)veridical Dependency_. Amsterdam: Benjamins. Ingham, Richard. 2000. Negation and OV order in Late Middle English. _Journal of Linguistics_ 36, 13-38. Larrivee, Pierre. 2004. _L'association negative : depuis la syntaxe jusqu'a l'interpretation_. Geneve: Droz. Martineau, France and Raymond Mougeon. 2003. Sociolinguistic research on the origins of ''ne'' deletion in European and Quebec French. _Language_ 79,1, 118-152. Schwenter, Scott A.. 2006. Fine-tuning Jespersen's cycle. In Betty J. Birner and Gregory Ward (Eds) _Drawing the boundaries of meaning. Neo-Gricean studies in honour of Laurence R. Horn_. Amsterdam and Philadelphia: John Benjamins. 327-344. Swart, Henriette de and Ivan A. Sag. 2002. Negation and Negative Concord in Romance. _Linguistics and Philosophy_ 25,4, 373-417. ABOUT THE REVIEWER Pierre Larrivee is a Senior Lecturer in French Linguistics at Aston University (Birmingham, UK). The author of three monographs and a series of articles on negation, he is currently the Principal Investigator for the International Network ''Cycles of Grammaticalization''
Read more issues|LINGUIST home page|Top of issue
|
|

Please report any bad links or misclassified data
LINGUIST Homepage | Read
LINGUIST | Contact us

While the LINGUIST List makes every effort to ensure the linguistic relevance of sites listed on its pages, it cannot vouch for their contents.
|
|