LINGUIST List 19.2911
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Thu Sep 25 2008
Diss: Applied Ling/Lang Acq: Kalt: 'Second Language Acquisition of ...'
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1. Susan
Kalt,
Second Language Acquisition of Spanish Morpho-Syntax by Quechua-Speaking Children
Message 1: Second Language Acquisition of Spanish Morpho-Syntax by Quechua-Speaking Children
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Date: 25-Sep-2008
From: Susan Kalt <sue_kalt yahoo.com>
Subject: Second Language Acquisition of Spanish Morpho-Syntax by Quechua-Speaking Children
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Institution: University of Southern California
Program: Department of Linguistics
Dissertation Status: Completed
Degree Date: 2002
Author: Susan E. Kalt
Dissertation Title: Second Language Acquisition of Spanish Morpho-Syntax by Quechua-Speaking Children
Dissertation URL: http://www.rcc.mass.edu/Language/faculty/Sue_Kalt/Document/Kalt_Dissertation.pdf
Linguistic Field(s):
Applied Linguistics
Language Acquisition
Subject Language(s): Quechua, Cusco (quz)
Spanish (spa)
Dissertation Director:
Suzanne Flynn
William F Rutherford
Dissertation Abstract:
Assuming that persons acquiring a second language (L2) have continuous access to the same Universal Grammar (UG) as monolingual children acquiring their first language (Flynn and Martohardjono 1994), there remains controversy as to how to best characterize UG, and whether or not L2 acquirers transfer the functional features of their first language in the initial state (Schwartz and Sprouse 1996). One well-studied area regarding monolingual development and UG constraints pertains to the ability to rule out the reflexive interpretation of a non-reflexive element (Deutsch, Koster and Koster 1986, Chien and Wexler 1990, Padilla 1990, Baauw, Philip and Escobar 1997, Baauw 1999). Dutch and English monolinguals five to ten years old are better able to rule out non-reflexive readings of reflexive elements than vice versa, but Spanish speaking children are not. Baauw (1999) proposed that Spanish clitics, whose interpretation results from head movement, are exempt from this reflexive privilege effect. I measured the development of sixteen monolingual Bolivian Spanish and eighty-four L2 Quechua-Spanish-speaking children's ability to interpret reflexive vs. oblique and locative vs. possessive clitics between ages five and fifteen years, using a culturally appropriate picture selection task (Gerken and Shady 1996). I claimed that both groups' performance should illuminate the reflexive privilege effect, and that the L2 group should perform better on locative clitics than possessives if functional feature transfer from Quechua determined their initial grammar of Spanish. I found no evidence of reflexive privilege in the monolingual group, whose performance was nearly perfect from the earliest age tested, cohering with results for monolingual Spanish speaking children cited above. The L2 group displayed reflexive privilege beginning around age eight and continuing throughout. I propose two explanations: reflexive privilege is a processing phenomenon favoring successful interpretation of the clitic bound in the most local domain, and/or frequent OV sentences in this group's input discourages them from interpreting clitics as resulting from head movement. The L2 group performed better on oblique third person possessive sentences than on oblique third person locatives. This pattern provides evidence against initial feature transfer from L1.
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