Editor for this issue: <>
Bruce Samuelson asks about why there are phonological-semantic congruences at all. First, we have to keep in mind that there are different historical pathways to such congruences. The wh-words are presumably just a synchronic residue of standard word-formation processes at some ancient stage of the language. The "gl" words that someone else reported (GLITTER, GLEAM, etc.) are another example. The "th" congruence that Bruce brought up is quite different: "th" is voiced in function words "th" is voiceless in content words This was never part of word formation, and is the result of sound change. All words originally had voiceless "th", but it voiced in word-initial position in just the function words. (I seem to remember that this happened in the early Middle English period, but I wouldn't swear on it.) The sound change was identical in Swedish, Norwegian, and Danish (which, because of a later change, now show stops, with /d/ in function words and /t/ in content words). The change in German was more extensive; "th" became voiced in ALL words, and then word-initial /s/ also voiced (and in some obscure dialects, even word-initial "sh" has voiced). I don't think that anyone knows why the change went so much further in German. I question whether English really shows a congruence between phonology and SEMANTICS, though. There is little in common semantically between the affected function words. It correlates with whatever makes function words function words, but that is probably not semantic. (Some people would claim it is more syntactic in nature. You might be able to get away with arguing that it is pragmatic in nature.) It is possible that the change didn't really even have anything to do with the function/content distinction at all. Sound changes often spread through the lexicon one word at a time, with two common patterns: frequent words change first (with infrequent words unaffected), or infrequent words change first (with frequent words unaffected). (Labov had a paper in LANGUAGE a few years back on what determines whether sound change will be word-by-word. There was a paper in LINGUISTICS ca. 1984 that tried to sort out what determines whether it is infrequent or frequent words that change first; I don't recall the author's name.) It is quite possible that this change affected frequent words first, which would largely be function words, since they are the most frequent words in the language. The change may have ended (and who knows why?) before spreading to even relatively frequent content words like THINK. (It may not have spread to words like THREE and THROUGH because of a phonological constraint in English barring voiced fricatives in syllable-initial consonant clusters. English doesn't allow *VRY or *ZLIP, either.) Anyway, this congruence may be entirely accidental. Anyone know more of the details? I'm not an expert on such long-ago sound changes. I also agree with the comments that we have no idea why sounds change, except in the most general sense. Why did original Germanic /sk/ change to "sh" in West Germanic, but survive as [sk] in most North Germanic languages until comparatively recently? In Swedish, before front vowels and /j/, it is now "sh" in many dialects (a standard palatoalveolar fricative), but is a highly unusual labiopalatal or labiovelar fricative (with frication at both the palate and lips) in many other dialects. But in Danish, I think, it is still [sk]. Anyone who can explain that sort of variability should come forward. ---joe stembergerMail to author|Respond to list|Read more issues|LINGUIST home page|Top of issue
In Linguist List: Vol-2-444, Bert Peeters says, re sound change, that he doesn't believe in teleology; instead, he opts for (French) functionalism. But is it *really* possible to maintain the distinction between teleology of purpose and teleology of function in the explanation of language change? Suppose the Latin change "-nct- > -nt-" (quinctus > quintus; sanctus > santus; &c) took place because the sequence -nct- was "not easy enough". This is scarcely substantially different from saying that this change took place for the purpose of ease of pronunciation. That is: the gist of Martinet's principle of economy remains the same, whether economy is conceived as a telos, or as a function. -- Martti Nyman Univ of Helsinki, FinlandMail to author|Respond to list|Read more issues|LINGUIST home page|Top of issue