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Some discussion of the extended language family hypothesis can be found in an issue of Science that appeared last summer (sorry I lack the exact reference here ... any serials index can get it for you). The discussion is more interesting than the usual in that it also takes a look or two at the supposed 'biological' evidence as well, which, though I have no way of knowing directly, is presumably at least as shakey as the linguistic evidence. The discussion stems from the conference that was held to deal in part with some of Greenberg's work. Toby Paff (tobypaffMail to author|Respond to list|Read more issues|LINGUIST home page|Top of issuepucc)
While I haven't read any of the journalistic coverage of the issues referred to in Dan Everett's note, I must say that as a contribution to the discussion so far in this forum it seems a bit intemperate. We should all heed Manaster-Ramer's caveat about not lumping all lumping proposals together; whatever the merits and deficiencies of the work of linguists like Starostin and Benedict, it is unfair to tar them with the same brush as Greenberg, whose work is (and I am attempting to be maximally neutral and diplomatic in my phrasing here) methodologically innovative in ways that Starostin's certainly is not. It certainly is not true that no "mainstream historical linguist" has ever engaged in work at this time depth, unless one automatically takes any expression of interest in deep reconstruction as disqualifying anyone from membership in th mainstream. Semitic-Indo-European connections, in particular, have been explored for generations, by linguists such as Carleton Hodge, who is as "mainstream" a historical linguist as I can imagine. And I have been told (perhaps someone more knowledgeable can comment) that a reasonable estimate for the time depth of Niger-Khordofanian is on the order of ten millenia or so, which is the same order that would be involved in Austro-Tai or, on Greenberg's hypothesis, in Amerind. (In fact Greenberg is most likely wrong about the time depth of human occupation of the Americas, but surely no one can consider the Clovis time depth to be a crank or fringe notion). Scott DeLancey University of OregonMail to author|Respond to list|Read more issues|LINGUIST home page|Top of issue
A note for Daniel Everett: since you are only familiar with the South American work of Greenberg, how can you call the Soviet work on Asian families unscientific drivel? Can you read Russian?Mail to author|Respond to list|Read more issues|LINGUIST home page|Top of issue
Goldsmith (1990) _Autosegmental & Metrical Phonology_ talks about this on pp. 115-116, and cites Southeastern Tepehuan (Uto-Aztecan) as reported in Elizabeth Willett (1982) Reduplication and accent in southeastern Tepehuan, IJAL 48:168-84. CV syllables are the lightest, CVV syllables are intermediate in weight, and CVC syllables are heaviest. He also discusses a 3-way distinction whose best-known case "may be" Estonian. Hope this is helpful. BruceMail to author|Respond to list|Read more issues|LINGUIST home page|Top of issue
Subject: Re: Curious stress patterns Huasteco has a pattern that syllables with long Vs are heavier than closed syllables. (Lahiri and Koreman 1988, a WCCFL paper) I don't know whether there are any rules that will show whether open short V syllables are lighter than closed syllables, but it's a place to start.Mail to author|Respond to list|Read more issues|LINGUIST home page|Top of issue
With respect to Alexis Manaster-Ramer's recent posting in "Linguist" about Sinhalese stress. There are other languages where there is a ranking of syllable weights beyond a simple distinction of light vs. heavy. I actually have a paper in NLLT in '86 where I include a discussion of Klamath which distinguishes light from closed from long syllables. You could even argue that English nouns distinguish closed syllables from sylables containing a long vowel. A final open light syllable is stressless in English, e.g. America. A final closed syllable may be stressed or stressless: helix vs. narthex. But a final long vowel must be stressed: anecdote. (Words ending in the suffix -ate are exceptional: certificate.) mike hammondMail to author|Respond to list|Read more issues|LINGUIST home page|Top of issue
The Yup'ik language has several dialects which make a distinction for foot building where CVC will take stress over a CV syllable, but a regular foot will be built over a sequence CVC CVC, or CVC CVV. Steven Jacobson is the author of the Yup'ik dictionary, and there's a grammar, which might be by him also, I can't remember. Bruce Hayes has done some work with it, but I'm not sure that it's published.Mail to author|Respond to list|Read more issues|LINGUIST home page|Top of issue
A thought prompted by Coleman's comment that 'reduced' is not a well- defined concept in phonetics or phonology: In one sense it is, at least in the traditional way of talking about two languages I know a bit about, namely English and Russian. In both languages, you get alternations in which the stress changes (the English *telegraph-telegraphy* example is a textbook case in point) and where segmental features of the stressed vowel are different from those of the unstressed one. My earlier comment about the 'Rosa's Roses' case is thus, in retrospect, beside the point: there's an issue there as to whether the two unstressed vowels are the same but that, I now realize, doesn't have anything to do with reduced vowels in the sense just cited. In Russian, at least according to the textbooks (and I'm told by those who know more about it than I do that it's Muscovite Russian), underlying /o/ becomes /a/ when unstressed and underlying /e/ becomes /i/. Mea culpa. MKMail to author|Respond to list|Read more issues|LINGUIST home page|Top of issue