LINGUIST List 20.3310
|
Thu Oct 01 2009
Diss: Morphology/Semantics: Lashevskaja: 'Nestandartnoje Chislovoje...'
Editor for this issue: Di Wdzenczny
<di linguistlist.org>
|
To post to LINGUIST, use our convenient web form at
http://linguistlist.org/LL/posttolinguist.html.
|
Directory
1. Olga
Lashevskaja,
Nestandartnoje Chislovoje Povedenije Russkix Suschestvitel'nyx [Non-Standard Semantics of Russian Nominal Number]
Message 1: Nestandartnoje Chislovoje Povedenije Russkix Suschestvitel'nyx [Non-Standard Semantics of Russian Nominal Number]
|
Date: 30-Sep-2009
From: Olga Lashevskaja <olesar mail.ru>
Subject: Nestandartnoje Chislovoje Povedenije Russkix Suschestvitel'nyx [Non-Standard Semantics of Russian Nominal Number]
E-mail this message to a friend
Institution: All-Russia Institute for Scientific and Technical Information (VINITI)
Program: Theoretical Foundations of Computer Science
Dissertation Status: Completed
Degree Date: 1999
Author: Olga N. Lashevskaja
Dissertation Title: Nestandartnoje Chislovoje Povedenije Russkix Suschestvitel'nyx [Non-Standard Semantics of Russian Nominal Number]
Linguistic Field(s):
Morphology
Semantics
Subject Language(s): Russian (rus)
Dissertation Director:
Elena V Paducheva
Dissertation Abstract:
The present study suggests a view according to which substantive number is a lexically specified (rather than purely morphological) category. The addition of the plurality component to the basic lexical meaning may result in various - although predictable - interpretations of plural forms (the phenomenon called 'semantic effects' in Corbett (Number, 2000). Among these interpretations are 'pair' plural (ruki 'hands'), 'sort' plural (vina 'wines'), 'reciprocal' plural (druz'ja 'friends' in Druz'ja davno ne videlis' 'The friends have not seen each other for a long time'), 'associative' plural (lidery 'leaders, i.e. the leader and those who are next to him' in Lidery gonki - Shumaxer i Barikello 'The race leaders are Schumacher and Barrichello') etc. The notion of plurality may come into conflict with the semantics of uncountable (mass) nouns. As a result, one can observe either the lack of plural forms (cf. kislorod 'oxygen') or a kind of modification of lexical meaning (cf. the above-mentioned 'sort' plurals). In this study we continue a tradition which relates the count/mass contrast to the lexical semantics of nouns. This idea was originally proposed by J.McCawley (Lexicography and the count-mass distinction, 1975) and further developed by A.Wierzbicka (Semantics of Grammar, 1988). The latter showed that formal characteristics of nouns in respect to the count/mass distinction may be traced back to how the items denoted by a noun are conceptualized and depend on such parameters as their size, the way in which these items are used etc. While Wierzbicka only used the vocabulary of vegetables (in Russian and in English) to prove her conclusions, we examine the motivation of the semantics of plural forms in a number of other lexical classes including names of substances and aggregate sets, terms for various kinds of food, plants, clothes, and texts, spatial nouns, nominalizations of motion verbs, etc. The number of items involved in this study exceeds 1000 nouns. Perhaps, any theory arguing for the existence of a semantic motivation for the distribution of number forms may be challenged by pluralia tantum mass nouns such as kanctovary 'stationery', otxody 'waste', slivki 'cream', par'y 'exhalation' (cf. also English guts, brains etc.). We suggest that in this case the choice of a number form may also be related to factors of purely morphological and lexicon-structure nature (including the derivational model of a word and its possible polysemy, which occasionally affect a number model). Curiously, the inconstancy of nouns in respect of the count/mass distinction seems to be much more widespread than it was often assumed a priori. We observe also the lability of nouns in respect to the semantic contrast between 'simple objects' and 'complex objects'; cf. the variation between kraj / kraja 'edge(s)', bereg / berega 'shore(s)', nitka / nitki 'thread(s)', shnurok / shnurki 'lace(s)' etc. A particular interest has been drawn to those contexts where the singular and plural forms are interchangeable (as in Po kraju / krajam fontana stojali statui 'There were statues along the edges / edge of the fountain'). Various conceptual and structural reasons for such neutralization of the number opposition have been determined. Besides, we touched upon the interaction of semantics, pragmatics and syntax during the choice of number forms within the context of distributive utterances; e.g., Vse povernuli golovu / golovy v storony dveri (lit. 'All [of them] turned [their] heads / a head towards the door'.
Read more issues|LINGUIST home page|Top of issue
|
|

Please report any bad links or misclassified data
LINGUIST Homepage | Read
LINGUIST | Contact us

While the LINGUIST List makes every effort to ensure the linguistic relevance of sites listed on its pages, it cannot vouch for their contents.
|
|