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Well, there's my Buffalo favorite: Buffalo buffalo buffalo buffalo buffalo. Here's the story. First, when I was a grad student in philosophy at Indiana a long time ago, John Tienson gave us the example of: Dogs dogs dog dog dogs whose syntax is the same as: Mice cats chase eat cheese. We found the -s morpheme unaesthetic, so we came up with Buffalo buffalo buffalo buffalo buffalo where to buffalo = to bully around, to do a snow job on. (Poetic license if you think that buffalo can't buffalo other buffalo.) Of course, there's also the optional plural of buffaloes as mere buffalo, with no plural marker. Then, of course, you can make it more interesting by considering the buffalo in the Buffalo zoo, the Buffalo buffalo. And their peculiar way of buffaloing other Buffalo buffalo, so peculiar that, like the Tennessee waltz which you do by Tennessee waltzing, they Buffalo buffalo those other Buffalo buffalo: Buffalo buffalo Buffalo buffalo Buffalo buffalo Buffalo buffalo Buffalo buffalo. William J. Rapaport Associate Professor of Computer Science Center for Cognitive Science Dept. of Computer Science||internet: rapaportMail to author|Respond to list|Read more issues|LINGUIST home page|Top of issuecs.buffalo.edu SUNY Buffalo ||bitnet: rapaport
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I wonder if the garden path sentence cited by John Limber ("The player
kicked the ball kicked him") is as mystifying when first encountered if
it is spoken (with appropriate intonation) rather than written.
In some recent research we find that the appropriate intonation pattern
disambiguates potentially ambiguous sequences like "The workers considered
the offer from the management..." just as effectively, in an on-line
probe task, as the presence of an overt lexical cue ("The workers considered
that the offer from the management...).
This raises the possibility that many of the popular garden-path phenomena
reflect the inadequacies of English orthography in conveying prosodic
structure, rather than telling us about the normal operations of the
psychological parser.
William Marslen-Wilson
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>J_LIMBERMail to author|Respond to list|Read more issues|LINGUIST home page|Top of issueUNHH.UNH.EDU J. Limber offers the following example as being easy for parsing systems but difficult for humans: (1) The player kicked the ball kicked him. One reason (1) is difficult for humans is that (2) is not all that likely or acceptable: (2) A player was kicked the ball. Perhaps there are dialects in which (2) is ordinary. I predict that in such dialects the relative clause in (1) would also pose much less difficulty than for speakers of dialects like mine. The homophony of past tense and past participle is the evident source of difficulty. There is no problem with either of the following: (3) A player was thrown the ball. (4) The player thrown the ball kicked it back. The distinction blurrs a bit with other verbs, e.g. "send": (5) A contestant was sent a letter. (6) The contestent sent a letter sent it back. Here, it seems to me that (5) is much more acceptable and normal than (6). This may be because "send" is closer to the core agent/patient semantics. And indeed, in Harrisian operator grammar, I believe that the simply transitive "X kick Y" is basic, with the distransitive "X kick Y to Z" being derived from a source using a verb of the "send" set, such as "X sent Y to Z by kicking it." (See the discussion of derived verbs in _A Grammar of English on Mathematical Principles_.) Nonetheless, (6) is still a garden-path sentence because the past-tense reading of "sent" is so much more expectable (and probably more statistically likely) than the passive in a relative clause with relative pronoun zeroed. Computational parsing algorithms seldom take into account the relative likelihood of alternative parses, other than for imposing a search order. Certainly, they do not model that which in humans gives rise to the differences of likelihood as a byproduct. Perhaps this is covered in the cited >discussion >in:Limber, J. (1976). Syntax and sentence interpretation. >In R. Wales (Ed.), Walker, E. C. T. (pp.). Amsterdam: North Holland. Bruce Nevin bn
bbn.com
I'm sorry, but I can't resist. The 'had had' sentence (John, where Mary had had "had" had had "had.") takes advantage of the use/mention distinction. Of course, you can mention other examples of mentioning, so you can create infinitely long sentences. Mark, where I had had "had had 'had' had had 'had'" had had " had 'had' had had 'had.'"; extend this for as long as you like. Points off for incorrect punctuation. /-------------------------------------------------------------------------\ | Will Fitzgerald | In February it will be my snowman's anniverary | | Institute for the | with cake for him and soup for me! | | Learning Sciences | Happy once, Happy twice | | Northwestern Univ.| Happy chicken soup with rice. - M. Sendak | \-------------------------------------------------------------------------/Mail to author|Respond to list|Read more issues|LINGUIST home page|Top of issue