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Here are some random thoughts on rules and psychology. They are familiar from the literature, but may be unfamiliar to certain Linguist readers. 1. The word "grammar" is, I take it, systematically ambiguous in Chomsky's mouth. He sometimes means the speaker's competence; he sometimes means the linguist's grammar. He is very much aware of this ambiguity, and thinks that it's a good thing. So Ellen Prince's question about where the grammar is is itself ambiguous. In the sense of a theory about competence, who knows where the grammar is. If theories are anywhere, then grammar (in this sense) is up there with the theory of evolution, Newtonian mechanics, and so on. In the sense of what the speaker knows, it's not unreasonable to think that there is no grammar in anybody's head. Maybe there are just causal mechanisms responsible for our linguistic abilities. (Compare: where is the differential calculus in our heads, which permits us to catch baseballs, etc.?) It could well be that no system of grammatical rules is represented in the native speaker's head. In that case, grammar in the sense of competence does not exist at all. 2. For me, there's an interesting question about the interrelation of grammar1 (call it linguist's grammar) and grammar2 (call it competence): e.g. could a linguist's grammar be true, even if no one has a mentally represented body of rules that guides their linguistic behaviour? (I.e. if there is no competence) The answer, I think, is that there could be. It would still describe regularities observed in behaviour. But we wouldn't say that it was in virtue of knowing some grammar that speakers are able to use language. The native speaker "fits" the rules which our theory contains, but she does not "follow" those rules. So linguistics might be like mechanics: no one attributes *knowledge* of the gravitational constant to rocks. But their behaviour conforms to that law. 3. What if different native speakers have different causal mechanisms? Or, what if competence is responsible for speech, but different speakers of English have internalized different rules? Here again, I think linguist's grammars are still possible. My cherished analogy is a theory of the waltz. Even if different people apply different rules when they dance the waltz, there can still be a single theory which describes the steps and how they are executed. Psychology is irrelevant here. 4. Another issue: I take it that there is something responsible for our collective ability to communicate linguistically. And it would be wonderful to find out what it is which allows people to do this. But the interest of this study does not rule out another kind of more traditional linguistic inquiry: about the nature of languages. Returning to the waltz analogy, it's perfectly okay to ask what goes on it people's heads when they dance. But one could easily enough forgo that (very interesting) question, and just study the waltz. 5. Undoubtedly there are a multitude of ways of describing the waltz. Each theory must conform to certain facts. But once a the theory is consistent with the facts, and shows real promise of *remaining* consistent with future dancings of the waltz, it is correct. The existence of other equally correct theories is not relevant. I would admit that there may be only one correct theory of how speakers actually manage to dance. But there are a multitude of theories of the waltz that get all past, present and future dancings. We decide between them not on the basis of truth or falsity, but on usefulness. Which theory we choose will depend on what we want to do with it. Returning to the case of linguist's grammars, I think the same holds true. There are, in principle, any number of grammars that capture English (or some dialects thereof). Which one we opt for depends on whether we want to a. use the grammar for teaching English to German speakers b. use the grammar to create a machine parser for English, c. use the grammar for literary criticism, or what have you. Best, Rob Stainton MITMail to author|Respond to list|Read more issues|LINGUIST home page|Top of issue
>From: jscMail to author|Respond to list|Read more issues|LINGUIST home page|Top of issuembeya.research.att.com (John S. Coleman) >Subject: 3.250 Rules > >Ellen Prince asks > >> uh, where exactly *are* these grammars, if not in people's brains? > >In the Platonic World of Ideals, of course, along with pi, the square root of 2 > etc. >From: Penni Sibun <sibun
parc.xerox.com> >Subject: Re: 3.250 Rules >... >well, grammars are indubitably in *some* people's >heads/brains/minds---the heads/brains/minds of linguists. it's far >less clear whether they are in those of people in general. ok, i'll bite. what do *you* call whatever it is in people's heads that enables them to (appear to) communicate by making noises with their upper respiratory tracts (or by moving their hands and faces)? a list of sentences?
Linguists' grammars can hardly be more elegant than the grammars people use intuitively, since many systematic features of linguistic behavior have yet to be captured as explicit rules. To compare any printed grammar with a complete internalized grammar is a mug's game. An internalized grammar could of course be elegant without being IN a brain, since this grammar might be supervenient on brain function without being reducible to a particular kind of functioning in any one person's wetware. Inelegancies of data compression or whatever are hardly of central interest when we talk about the way a program works. Why assume that neurological quirks have linguistic significance? Or any significance at all? -- RickMail to author|Respond to list|Read more issues|LINGUIST home page|Top of issue
re psychological reality of rules. It's interesting how the anti-mentalist (behaviorist) / mentalist debate which flourished before Chomsky put the mind back into the brain with Syntactic Structures and the changed goals of lingistics which generative grammar ushered in is now replaced by arguments re how can we be sure the rules or principles posited for grammars are 'psychologically real'. Kiparsky's now classic 1968 paper 'How abstract is phonology?' reopened theis quest for Sapirian type of evidence. But as is true in all sciences evidence is evidence is evidence -- and as NC pointed out, correctly I believe, one kind of evidence is not necessarily better than another -- there's just good evidence and bad evidence to support a theory or hypothesis in a theory. Anyway, it is an interesting issue which is obviously related to one's philosophy of science and which has certainly intrigued me considering the number of my own papers which deal with aspects of the question. The issue has stimulated lots of research using speech errors, aphasic language, language games, etc etc. as a means of providing different kinds of evidence (which I believe are intriguing but not intrinisically any more valuable than linguistic evidence itself including speakers judgments and intuitions). Anyway, when these messages get too long readers log off (at least I do) so if there is anyone out there who is interested in my own thinking will be happy to send you reprints. If noone asks, I won't be hurt. Vicki FromkinMail to author|Respond to list|Read more issues|LINGUIST home page|Top of issue
> From: ADA612Mail to author|Respond to list|Read more issues|LINGUIST home page|Top of issuecsc1.anu.edu.au (AVERY D ANDREWS) > Subject: Rules > > David Eddington writes (Linguist 3.250, Rules) > > >A wealth of literature exists which > >demonstrates that the majority of what is done in the name of > >'empirical linguistics' is not empirical at all but rather should > >be categorized along with the non-empirical sciences such as formal > >logic (see Derwing, Botha, Linell, Itkonen, Skousen). > > I think this literature fails on the whole to impress people like me > [ .. deleted .. ] > And some of it is just off the wall, > such as Esa Itkonen, who seems to think that linguists have > explicit intuitive knowledge of grammatical generalizations. I must correct Avery Andrews's false witness to what Esa Itkonen thinks. In _Grammatical_Theory_and_Metascience_ (Amsterdam: Benjamins 1978), Itkonen writes: "A linguist sets out to describe a language that he knows, i.e., of which he possesses atheoretical, intuitive knowledge, but when his description proceeds, it produces new, theoretical knowledge about which he has no previous intuition. From the fact that I know_1 something, it by no means follows that I also know_2 how to describe this knowledge_1 of mine in the best possible way." (GTM, p.216). Martti Nyman, Department of General Linguistics, University of Helsinki, Hallituskatu 11-13, SF-00100 Helsinki, Finland