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> Date: Thu, 9 Jan 1992 9:25:17 GMT-10:00 > From: Fran Karttunen <kartunenMail to author|Respond to list|Read more issues|LINGUIST home page|Top of issueuhccux.uhcc.Hawaii.Edu> > > In Nantucket, where I grew up, monosyllabic words ending in r were > pronounced as two syllables: > > door > dowa (can't do schwas on this keyboard either) > flour > flauwa (homophonous with flower) > beer > biya > there > theiya > > As a kid I thought it rather strange but chalked it up to the irrationality > of > English spelling. Later on Broadcast English and travel away from peripheral > New England showed me that it was a rather localized dialect feature. Ruth Blair (p.c.) tells me that in Australian English the word _law_ now seems to consist of two syllables: [lowa]. [a] endings in Australian English are rampant in replacement of schwas (e.g. moda for mother, fada for father, etc.) See you lada. (no publicity intended)
David Eddington asks "Are there languages thathave developed inflectional systems where there once were none?" It seems from the work I have been doing on Tibeto-Burman morphology that most if not all the inflectional morphology (not the derivational morphology) developed sometime after the breakup of Proto-Tibeto-Burman. That is, none (or almost none--and there are people who will disagree with me) is reconstructable to Proto-Tibeto-Burman, though many of the languages now have complex inflectional systems (both nominal and verbal). I have a paper coming out in Feb.'s issue of BSOAS on one type of verbal inflection, and another paper coming out in Linguistics of the Tibeto-Burman Area (14.2 or 15.1) on one type of nominal marking. --Randy LaPOllaMail to author|Respond to list|Read more issues|LINGUIST home page|Top of issue
David Eddington asks: > ... The drift of the Indo-european languages has been toward the loss of > inflectional endings with the result that word order becomes crucial (as > well as prepositions) in determining case. Are there languages that have > developed inflectional systems where there once were none? I think I can safely say that the inflectional systems of the Siouan languages are at least observationally stable. The time depth of Siouan (as opposed to Siouan + Catawban) must be comparable to the time depth of the branches of Indo-European, but the inflectional systems are quite similar in detail, and, when different in detail, still similar in character. One has to assume that details have been variously retained or innovated in parallel. Inflection consists primarily of personal inflection in the verb: agent and/or patient, roughly, as appropriate to the sense. Secondarily, there are (a) a system of deriving verbs stems with dative, reflexive, reflexive possessive, reciprocal, etc., reference, which has syntactic implications, and might be regarded as inflectional; and (b) a separate, but comparable system of deriving stems with various applicative/locative senses which might also be regarded as inflectional. At least the formation of the first and second person agents, and some sort of proto-dative/reflexive possessive and must be of Proto-Siouan age, since these involve complex and irregular phonological patterns repeated across the family. Other systems, e.g., other pronominals or the applicatives, are universal, but so transparent in formation that they are open to interpretation as fairly recently absorbed proclitics. Pronominal markers like the inclusive or the third person indefinite, which are further from the stem than the applicatives may be similarly recent, though there are attested mechanisms in Siouan and elsewhere for metasthetizing elements in ways which make it impossible to considently date morphology by the "tree-ring" approach. In some cases inflectional markers in the Siouan languages are clearly recent innovations, e.g., the animate third person plural patient marker -wic^ha- in Dakotan, which seems to be an incorporated form of the free noun wic^ha's^a ~ wic^hasta `person; man'. It is also worth noting that the Siouan languages are extremely prone to supplementing relatively obscure markers or marker systems with more transparent ones, without replacing the original system, producing extensive pleonasm in the relevant paradigms. To summarize, the inflectional systems of the attested Siouan languages are composed of both inherited and innovated inflectional material, with the difference being sometimes difficult to determine, i.e., when inherited material may have been independent material at earlier stages. If the only inflections in Proto-Siouan are those that we can find attested today, whether clearly or ambiguously, then the attested Siouan languages have at least as much inflection as Proto-Siouan, and probably rather more. Returning to the question, I'm not sure if it is fair to say that Indo-European as a whole exhibits any overall trend to absolute loss of inflection, and the whole issue of trends in any sense save as ex post facto discoveries is fraught with pitfalls. There are IE languages with much less inflection than PIE (e.g., English), and some with about the same amount (e.g., Lithuanian or Hindi). In some cases the existing inflection is to a fair extent "original" (e.g., Lithuanian); in others it is to a greater extent innovated (e.g., Hindi). I am not going to fight to the death over these examples, if someone has other views of the matter. In my view all languages are simultaneously engaged in the twin (related) processes of losing and gaining inflectional systems, but sometimes one process or the other leads.Mail to author|Respond to list|Read more issues|LINGUIST home page|Top of issue