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Let me see if I got this right: 1. We want to develop a theory of grammar which applies to all (human?) languages. 2. Ideally, our model will conform to "some notion of economy", whatever that is (C/c/k/Kase theory, Binding Theory and Theta Theory are only economical in the sense that it is hard to put a price on something which changes on a weekly basis, so we might as well call it inexpensive). 3. To do so, we presumably need some information on what the properties of the languages under discussion actually are. To this end, any explicit form of grammatical description should be useful. 4. Ergo, producing grammatical tools and explicit grammars can help to produce the required input to the explanatory device. I was raised to believe that the goal of grammatical theory was, in the end, an explanation of why language behaves as it does. But I do recall that descriptive adequacy was a step on the path. The trend is clearly to tweak one's theory whenever required. Having read Chomsky (1992, Jan 13), we can now see that all the mental gymnastics involved in getting analyses involving the now-defunct projection principle to work are only of marginal impact. On the other hand, the classic and well-written descriptive grammars in now-defunct theories are still useful to those of us who are striving to achieve the elusive goal of explanatory adequacy. I picture much of contemporary syntax as a neurosurgeon slashing away with high-tech lasers, without having first taken a bit of anatomy. Sometimes the results are right, even highly impressive, but not nearly so good as if the surgeon had as much knowledge as skill. What is lamentable about the present situation is that we hold explanatory adequacy to have such a higher staus than descriptive adequacy, that much of language desciption is considered sub dig for graduate students who aspire to a career. This could lead to a dangerous imbalance in our profession, if allowed to go unchecked. We should aim to produce linguists who are capable and knowledgable, who have enough contact with human language to be able to contribute to the development of theories of language, at least insofar as it is possible to prevent some wrong turns. Example: Would Mark Baker have invested so much work in getting serial verbs to comply with the Projection Principle if he was aware of the many exceptions to the "universal" configurational restrictions he proposed? No only was there clear evidence in a dialect (footnote as abnormal) in the language under discussion (Sranan), but plenty of evidence from other, unrelated languages such as Khmer. Now there was no way he could have known about the Khmer data, since few grammatical descriptions of the language have dealt with serial verbs and compounding. I do not criticise Baker for not knowing about the counterexamples (prior to his 1990 CLS visit, anyway), but rather that unless we, as a community, create rewards for high-quality descriptive work, the theoretical community is driving blind. Eric Schiller University of ChicagoMail to author|Respond to list|Read more issues|LINGUIST home page|Top of issue
Re Guido Vanden Wyngaerd (3-357): I must break my longish silence caused by a few urgent jobs: > since Nyman doesn't seem to begin to understand > what the problem is here, let me expand on my question once more: we find > that speakers *observe* (not violate) the wh-island constraint; we find > that they form yes-no questions by having recourse to hierarchical > structure rather than linear precedence, i.e. they unfailingly produce (1a) > rather than (1b): > > (1) a Is [the man who is tall] __ in the room? > b Is [the man who __ tall] is in the room? I must admit my dull-wittedness. Sorry about that! I also agree that a real issue is involved here. > If speakers proceeded on the basis of inductive generalisation or analogy > or some such principle, one would expect a more or less random distribution > over (1a) and (1b) in the acquisition stage, quod non. Why would a more or less random distribution over (1a) and (1b) be expectable in the acquisition stage, if speakers unfailingly -- and so, as the only pattern for children to base inductive generalizations on -- produce (1a)? > Hence speakers > possess a certain knowledge or follow certian rules, and one would like to > know where they get this knowledge from. Are you suggesting Chomskyan "tacit" knowledge? If so, then you might think that rules grow in people's minds like biological organs. > The question now is: how can one tell if rules speakers > follow, such as the wh-island rule or the yes-no question formation rule, > are Grules or Lrules? Where does the conviction come from that speakers "follow" the wh-island rule? This rule, as formulated and so named by a grammarian, is clearly a theoretical generalization (Grule). Notice that the phenomenon here captured in insular terms is in principle amenable to a different theoretical formulation: e.g., in Dick Hudson's Word Grammar (_English_Word_Grammar_. Oxford 1990), which is a dependency-based approach, (1b) would be ruled out by the fact that it infringes the Adjacency Principle (not to be confused with GB's Adjacency). While it is grammatically correct to say (2a) Is the man who is tall in the room?, it would be grammatically incorrect (and nonsensical) to say (2b) *Is the man who tall is in the room? In my terminology, (2a-b) are technically rule-sentences which exemplify (and witness for the existence) of the corresponding norm of language (Lrule). It is typical of norms that they may be violated by mistake or by joke (cf. Alexis Manaster Ramer's [3-371] posting on _man_the_ as a [putatively] possible NP); sometimes also by force, in order to bring home a theoretical point [e.g. (1b) above]. Lrules (or norms-of-language qua institutional or cultural facts) are typically learned or acquired by experience. But some norms are so deeply rooted in human nature that their violation is more or less unnatural and requires an extra effort. (This is one of the basic tenets of Stampean natural phonology, unless I'm mistaken.) For example, anyone standing on two hands (instead of two legs) in a cocktail party would certainly violate a norm of socially correct behaviour. In this case, the 'two-leg' constraint is almost vacuously a norm, because it would be hard to violate it. In the same vein, the Lrule of which (2a) is an exemplification, is almost vacuously a norm, because only a linguistic professional could violate it by producing (2b). But it is a norm, nonetheless. > And what merit is there to making such a distinction > at all? This distinction is (meta)descriptive of generative grammarians' actual practice. Martti Nyman, Dept of General Linguistics, Univ of Helsinki, FinlandMail to author|Respond to list|Read more issues|LINGUIST home page|Top of issue
> Finally, Lansing points to English: > > > A _silver knife_ (low high) is a knife made out of silver, and a _silver > > knife_ (high low) is a knife for cutting silver. This has nothing to do with tone, but rather accent placement. Both _silver_ and _knife_ are accented in the former case, but in the latter case _knife_ is deaccented. The association between accent and tone is a great deal more complicated than the claim suggests. Richard Sproat Linguistics Research Department AT&T Bell Laboratories tel (908) 582-5296 600 Mountain Avenue, Room 2d-451 fax (908) 582-7308 Murray Hill, NJ 07974 rwsMail to author|Respond to list|Read more issues|LINGUIST home page|Top of issueresearch.att.com
None of the examples mentioned in John Cowan's recent posting summarizing responses on this topic appears to involve a language that uses language SOLELY to mark grammatical as opposed to lexical distinctions. Which makes one wonder about stress. Does anybody know of an example of a language in which stress is distinctive but only used to mark grammatical categories. I have some possible examples in mind but these need some further reflection, so if anybody has clear examples, I for one would be interested (the examples I am thinking of, which I am not too sure about, would involve Tongan and perhaps Persian).Mail to author|Respond to list|Read more issues|LINGUIST home page|Top of issue