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Michael Newman <MNEHCMail to author|Respond to list|Read more issues|LINGUIST home page|Top of issueCUNYVM.bitnet> asks about 1. I can't remember the first time (that) I played golf. vs. 2. I can't remember the first time when I played golf. The difference is the elided "that S" which the adverbial "when" clause modifies in (2): 3. I can't remember the first time that S, (which was) when I played golf. However, I believe systematic investigation would find that (2) occurs in the sense of (1)--that is, using "when" in the role of "that"--in informal registers for many speakers of English. This is shown by the difference between (4) and (2) (repeated for comparison): 4. I can't remember the first time, when I played golf. 2. I can't remember the first time when I played golf. The difference is the comma intonation subordinating the "when" clause. Sentence (4) is reduced from (3) by elision of "that S." Note that (3) also requires comma intonation for the "when" clause. The desired sense of sentence (2), synonymous with (1), prohibits comma intonation subordinating the "when" clause. Sentence (5) is just the same as (2): 5. Have you forgotten the first time that/when we played golf and these antigolf fanatics invaded the country club, stole all the balls, and filled the sand traps with quicksand? It's in an informal register, and the piling on of narrative anecdote clauses (with "and" rather than "when") makes it easier to overlook use of "when" where "that" would be required in more formal discourse. See what happens with comma intonation after "first time:" 6. Have you forgotten the first time [that we came to this town], *that/when we played golf and these antigolf fanatics invaded the country club, stole all the balls, and filled the sand traps with quicksand? Another differentiator of (5) from (1-4) is the fact that "I don't remember that S" is pragmatically less plausible than "Have you forgotten that S." True, there is a usage like "I don't remember that you told me X [I remember that you said Y instead]," but there is no rhetoric of rebuttal in these examples. Bruce Nevin bn
bbn.com
re: Michael Newman (3.402) Michael Newman asked about the strings: a) I can't remember the first time (that) I played golf b) I can't remember the first time when I played golf the second of which is 'problematic'. Some further thoughts on this: 1. Depends what we mean by b) not being possible - I think it would be easy to find such strings in naturally occurring speech (in exactly the kind of extended context that MN supplied for it, i.e. with WHEN clause being followed by clauses which it modifes) 2. the difference between the strings: THE FIRST TIME is straightforwardly an NP in a) which functions as direct object of REMEMBER, and is then expanded by aCh relative clause which may begin with THAT. In b) the NP is not fully expanded by an adjunct clause - this is its `oddity'. 3. In b), I suggest what shows is the constraint (pragmatic rather than syntactic?) on a WHEN-clause (adjunct/adjectival clause) to modify a full clause (i.e. a proposition-bearing clause): THE FIRST TIME is an NP and not a full clause, hence the need for more context to render b) `possible'. Gabrielle KirbyMail to author|Respond to list|Read more issues|LINGUIST home page|Top of issue