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Vicki Fromkin gives a list of ten ill-formed constructions and comments: "The knowledge that these are ill-formed in English has nothing to do with normative rules -- just grammatical constraints." The fact that I immediately read this as a contradiction in terms indicates that some clarification of our concepts is in order. If 'normative rules' in this discussion is taken to mean 'explicitly formulated statements by prescriptive grammarians', Fromkin's statement makes sense - but that is not what I have taken the discussion to be about. Perhaps we should use the term 'prescriptive rules' for this phenomenon, and reserve the term 'norms' for the implicit (i.e., not explicitly formulated) social conventions that we have to assume in order to account for people's ability to distinguish between correct and incorrect behaviour. We should also distinguish between questions concerning these norms and questions concerning the way knowledge of them comes about and is structured in the individual. Even strictly descriptive linguists are 'normative' in the sense that they are describing a norm-based phenomenon. This does not make their task less empirical (in spite of Itkonen) - as opposed to that of the prescriptive grammarians, who try to impose would-be norms of their own or someone else's creation on us. Helge DyvikMail to author|Respond to list|Read more issues|LINGUIST home page|Top of issue
This whole discussion of normal and abnormal data seems abnormal. Is "dog the" a noun phrase? It might happen, if you were talking about noun phrases. But who would talk about noun phrases? Niemann & Noone's _Generative description of an abnormal variety of English_ provides a formal description of the syntax of an isolated community where, due to Scandinavian influence, English sentences like "Beware of the dog" have been replaced by sentences like "Beware of dog the". Although older speakers only change the order of the definite article, Niemann & Noone note that young speakers change the order of the indefinite article as well, e.g. "Take hike a". They argue that this provides strong support for recent work in syntactic theory. They admit that their grammar occasionally fails to conform to their corpus (1) ---------------------------------------------------------------- (1) The entire corpus is available in machine readable form for a nominal license fee from the Oxford Text Hoard, who kindly granted permission to quote these examples for educational purposes, provided that no one else reads them. ---------------------------------------------------------------- e.g., EXPECTED OBSERVED cat the in hat the cat in hat the the Hague The The Hague another thing nother thing a apple an day a apple day an a B A C's A B C's Arbor Ann Ann Arbor but they convincingly dismiss these cases as performance abnormalities.Mail to author|Respond to list|Read more issues|LINGUIST home page|Top of issue
I missed the discussion leading up to the exchange of June 3,4 re: subject 3.459. Therefore, I am not sure exactly what is meant by 'normative' rules. However, it seems clear that it means either rules that are overtly taught, or more relevantly to the discussion, rules which discriminate between what (some) people say (not clearly distinguishing speech errors from nonstandard stigmatised forms) from notions of correctness or grammaticality (in the nonlinguistic popular sense) -- however the latter are obtained. In any case, I have to agree with Alexis' message of 4 June, that crucial decisions are made in sifting the data, and justification is not always as easy as many linguists seem to think. Vicky's suggestions of 3 June are a case in point. Without even questioning whether or not her list consist exclusively of bona fide speech errors, the METHOD itself will not allow discrimination of speech errors from stigmatised, commonly used, and grammatically constrained rule-governed behavior which result in the following in some dialects of English. 1) hold your cards where can't nobody see them 2) it don't be dark yet 3) I wouldn't did that (which can only have a habitual reading in the dialect considered here, i.e., it means "I didn't used to do that", or would you prefer "I used not to do that"? , and not "I wouldn't have done that". not to mention banalities like: 4) he ain't got none Do the same experiment as Vicky suggests with the above, and you'll get lots of agreement that there is something "wrong", "funny" and/or ungrammatical. This being the case, what does Vicky's suggestion prove? It does not distinguish speech errors from stigmatised nonstandard normative rules/grammatical constraints. The issue here is not whether or not there are speech errors, but how to develop a scientific method to distinguish them from stigmatised rule- governed forms. To show how difficult this may be, even Labov, who may have been the first to make the argument that I am calling attention to here, made a mistake when he held up the following structure as non- English, and thus he would presumably have considered it a speech error if he had encountered it: 5) anybody doesn't know that (meaning "nobody knows that") It didn't take long before he got jumped on by Irish English speakers. It turns out to be perfectly acceptable in the English spoken in Ireland. Thus, the distinction between speech errors and stigmatised norms/rules is far from obvious IN PRACTICE. The interesting questions have to do with what is a speech error when said by one speaker but not when said by another. The implication is that a speech error may anticipate linguistic change (and eventually prescriptive change). That is, change which either relaxes or adds further constraints on grammatical rules. I think Vicky would agree with this, because her most common use of speech errors is to show what they reveal about the nature of linguistic rules. Where someone may anticipate linguistic change in making a speech error, maybe we have an indication that the rule is "fragile". That is, regardless of how a particular speaker feels about the "error", the rule which makes him/her feel that way is not supported by other grammatical rules which would help it resist change. CF. the old controversy about the status of quantifiers like "every" under negation, e.g., whether "everybody doesn't know that" can mean "nobody knows that" vs. the other meaning. There are speakers who insist that only the other interpretation is acceptable, and yet have actually used the "nobody knows" in speech. Error? Who knows? Is there really a constraint, or is this an example of the limits of the depth to which "constraints" penetrate into a grammar, beyond which we just have preferred and non-preferred STRATEGIES, which might result in such reactions as "Yeah, maybe when somebody else says everybody doesn't know that, they mean nobody knows that, but when I say it I mean some do, some don't. If I meant "nobody..." I would say "nobody..." But, in the heat of conversation, would this speaker do so? And if not, is it a grammatical error for the speaker, or "just" a strategic error, in terms of the speaker's (overtly?) preferred strategies? Finally, with regard to the question of whether linguistic capacity is something specific or a mainfestation of something else, the errors or anticipations of change discussed above may be quite different from other kinds of errors which "noone" would dispute or expect to become "norms" in some community, e.g., long-range metatheses like "a cuff of coppee" -- but the blends depending on lexical constraints are more problematic. Most of Vicky's examples either are, or are intended to be, of this type. It is not clear to me that long-distance metatheses are motivated by any more of an innate linguistic capacity than typing letters in the wrong sequence or putting the jelly on before the peanut butter. The line between strategies and grammar is possibly the best place to look for innate linguistic capacities. Blends may be unclear because they have different possible motivations, both linguistic and non-linguistic. Does this make any sense?Mail to author|Respond to list|Read more issues|LINGUIST home page|Top of issue