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The penultimate issue of Behavioral & Brain Sciences contains two articles on the innateness issue with extensive peer commentary and bibliographies. Highly recommended! Philip Swann University of GenevaMail to author|Respond to list|Read more issues|LINGUIST home page|Top of issue
Vicki Fromkin writes: >...When checking as to what >people consider speech errors we obviously have to test with speakers of >the same dialect unless we are interested in the differences in dialecta >grammars. My point is simply that in order to judge something as an >error, one must have a set of principles/rules/constraints in one's >mental grammar which determine what is or is not ill formed according >to that grammar (not someone else's). ?1;2c It is possible that judgments about well-formedness can come from a variety of sources--not just a single system of principles/rules/constraints. For example, you might judge something ill-formed because you can't imagine yourself saying such a thing. On the other hand, you might judge something well-formed because, even though you wouldn't say it, you've heard others say it. When linguists distinguish between 'acceptability' and 'grammaticality' judgments, they explicitly recognize the possibility that not all judgments about linguistic form have a monolithic origin. It is possible that well-formedness judgments are really epiphenomenal--based on mental operations that play some other role than just to supply the speaker with knowledge about good form. So the question is whether there exists a coherent psychological 'grammar' in the generative linguist's sense. Do we need to define a set of principles that gives rise to grammatical judgments directly, or do we need to define knowledge sources about several things--e.g. language production, expected production from others, social dictums, etc.--that give rise to grammatical judgments indirectly? Is my judgment that somebody is speaking with a southern accent (or fake southern accent) based on the same type of knowledge as my judgment that the speaker is not speaking my dialect? The former is based on what I expect to hear, but the latter on what I know I can say.Mail to author|Respond to list|Read more issues|LINGUIST home page|Top of issue
issue 3.473. In response to McConvell's reservations about my last comment, I guess I have to make it clear that I think it is most unlikely that speech error is ever a source of change. My intention was to distinguish speech errors which may be so for one speaker, but be "rule-governed" norms for another, from those which cannot be "rule-governed" in a linguistic sense for anybody -- because language "doesn't work that way". Examples of speech errors which have no parallel in any empirically observed grammar are such things as those long distnace metathese I mentioned in a "cu/f/ a co/p/ee". No language has a grammatical rule "to form the past tense, plural, or whatever, first you need two words, and then you must take a specified segment of the two words and exchange them". The question had earlier been raised about whether errors were strictly linguistic or not, I think, or maybe it was whether the rules which they violate are based on some innate linguistic capacity, or from some more general capacity which the particular linguistic capacity also happens to exemplify. I don't really know what speech errors as a global phenomenon have to do with this question -- but the question suggested to me that different kinds of speech errors may have different motivations, some more obviously nonlinguistic than others. Vicky's blends are borderline, because dialect geography shows us that in some cases blends can become linguistic changes NOT!!!! THAT THEY STARTED OUT AS SPEECH ERRORS, please understand. That is, there is a blending process in some types of linguistic change. On the other hand, I'm sure Vicky's intention in the examples to which I was responding was to exemplify planning/execution errors, resulting in reordering of intended activities -- something which occurs quite apart from language in other activities, and which I expect also occurs in the behavior of other animals as well. Does it, Vicky? and if not, is that part of your point about what speech errors reveal about ling-cognition? Problem with blends is that in some cases more than one possible explanation for the source of the behavior may be possible, "by any chance". In any cases, clearly nonlinguistic and problematic cases should be distinguished for methodological purposes from cases in which a constraint is lost or "relaxed" on a linguistic "rule". The problem remains to my mind whether a speaker's reaction should have any bearing how we analyse the behavior. As opposed to how we analyse reaction to the behavior. Socially, of course, it is of interest that the speaker, or some other speakers, describe the behavior as a mistake. But in terms of "heavy" stuff like human cognition, innate capacities, psycho logical reality, and so on, I think what need other ways of testing what the behavior means in terms of linguistic rules and human capacities. Beyond that, I have no idea what the discussion, which I entered late, is all about, and what is disputed. Whether "speech error" is a viable concept?Mail to author|Respond to list|Read more issues|LINGUIST home page|Top of issue
Vicki Fromkin suggests, in effect, that one can buy mental realism in linguistics, without buying innate structure. At first glance, this is a reasonable idea. In fact, it's one I was wont to hold. But I now wonder whether the two really are independent. The central problem, I think, is what we're to count as knowledge of language if we don't posit an innate language faculty. This issue has, of course, been raised by Chomsky many times. I'm coming to think that he's right. Consider the following cases of "knowledge": 1. Anaphors must be bound in their governing category 2. Poodles are a kind of dog 3. "The President of the U.S." refers to George Bush 4. In Montreal, it's illegal to display English-only signs outdoors 5. It's rude to say "shit" in a formal gathering 6. The French pronoun "vous" is more formal than the pronoun "tu" 7. A brown house is brown on the *outside* 8. Ideas are not the sort of things which are colored 9. A person's handwriting style is not related to their philosophical abilities 10. In conversation, one should have sufficient evidence for one's statements Which of these are "knowledge of language"? I presume this is something we discover, by doing research. It's not just a matter of decision. Now, if there is a language faculty, and if it incorporates information about some of 1 - 10, but not about all of them, then *that* is what determines the boundaries of linguistic knowledge. But if there is not innate structure that develops, and ends up in a certain state, then I at least can't imagine how we'd *discover* which of 1 - 10 is "truly" knowledge of language, rather than just knowledge about the world. The lines we draw between syntax, semantics and pragmatics; between competence and performance; between language faculty and the conceptual system; all can be drawn if the language facutly is an innate structure. But how are they to be even sketched if knowledge of language is distributed across cognitive systems? Best, Rob StaintonMail to author|Respond to list|Read more issues|LINGUIST home page|Top of issue