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Any sociolinguist will tell you that children will acquire the playground accent rather than the accent of the teacher OR the accent of the parents, for that matter. When I was in graduate school at SUNY -- Stony Brook, I noticed how distraught the English professors who moved there (for what were then relatively high salaries) became when their children began chirping like native Long Islanders. The thinking behind exclusion of folks like yourself from teaching roles is of a piece with the notion that widespread viewing of, say, SESAME STREET would level out American accents even if we took no other pains to bring places like Watts into the economic mainstream. Or perhaps we're dealing with the even more familiar desire to turn the local school system into an ethnically homogeneous (and radically isolationist) "Maple Avenue". -- RickMail to author|Respond to list|Read more issues|LINGUIST home page|Top of issue
It seems to me highly unlikely that children will pick up the foreign accent of one teacher, provided those children are surrounded by native speakers of English elsewhere. However, within a couple of months, most of the kids in the class will probably be attempting a hilarious imitation of the accent. I suppose that could be disruptive... Lesli LaRoccoMail to author|Respond to list|Read more issues|LINGUIST home page|Top of issue
Victor Raskin cites a (now lost) news article about excluding persons with accents from the teaching cadres. If anyone has a cite for that news article I'd appreciate receiving it. Using accent as an excuse to exclude people from teaching is unfortunately an old American tradition. Required speech tests or speech courses served to turn away Jews in New York City, Chinese in California, Native Americans, and of course many others, including African Americans in northern urban areas. Accent quickly became labeled as speech defect or impediment (a literal foot in the mouth), and students with accents were also targets of the educational hit list. Somewhere I've got a list of pronunciation errors attributed to various ethnic groups published by the Boston schools (ca. 1910; California also published a number of these): teachers were to recognize these errors and correct them using various tongue and breathing exercises. It is ironic, and probably predictable, that a number of these pronunciation features are now considered staples of the Boston accent. While schools paid lip service to accent-modification, they tended to ignore altogether those students who did not speak English at all. Their "method" for teaching English? Forbid the use of the home language at school (and on the playground). Corporal punishment was common for violations of this policy. Students were rewarded for ratting on their peers. And of course, drop out rates were high--probably as high as they are today. Having turned America monolingual, and forcing its teachers to develop a precise, artificial manner of speech unique to the teaching profession, our policy makers now complain that America can't compete in the inter- national market because we don't speak foreign languages! Dennis Baron debaronMail to author|Respond to list|Read more issues|LINGUIST home page|Top of issueuiuc.edu Dept. of English office: 217-244-0568 University of Illinois messages: 217-333-2392 608 S. Wright St fax: 217-333-4321 Urbana IL 61801
There are discussions of Philosophy of Mind in Comp.ai.philosophy. Bill McKellin mckeMail to author|Respond to list|Read more issues|LINGUIST home page|Top of issueunixg.ubc.ca Department of Anthropology and Sociology University of British Columbia Vancouver, B.C. V6T 1Z1
> Does anyone have a reasonably large list of English taboo words,
> preferably in machine-readable form? I am interested in the
> classic "four-letter words" and their thematic relatives, as
> well as any other words that "shouldn't be used in polite
> company", such as ethnic or religious slurs. Slang per se is NOT
> of interest.
Contact your congresscritter and senators. Both the Senate and the House
maintain lists of "unparliamentary language" -- anybody using one of the
forbidden words on the floor is squelched for the rest of the day.
("Here the other guinea-pig cheered, and was suppressed.")
I don't know whether the list is available in machine-readable form, but
it couldn't hurt to try. Emphasize your status as "researcher on language".
P.S. I have forwarded your note to lojbab
grebyn.com, the keeper of the
postal mailing list, who sent you the packet in the first place. Is there
any chance that Dragon Systems would be interested in co-applying with us for
grant money to develop Lojban speech recognition? Just an informal query.
--
cowan
snark.thyrsus.com ...!uunet!cbmvax!snark!cowan
e'osai ko sarji la lojban
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Should Sister Souljah be free of her indirect discourse? E. Contini-Morava provides a Washington Post transcript of an in- terview with Sister Souljah and presents evidence to show that incitement to violence was not the intent of this "influential public figure". (i) SS's rhetorical questions are separated from her statements by tense switching. [Note: Investigation of the use of the impersonal_you_ construction in interviews reveals this same pattern of tense switching. See below.] (ii) SS expli- citly distinguishes her views from those of the "people who were perpetrating the violence". N. Besnier introduces the notion of _voice_ into the discussion, claiming that SS has blurred "distinctions between the quoting voice and the quoted voice." This "blurring" (NB claims) has two effects: (i) eluding or dodging of responsibility by the speaker/writer, and (ii) placing propositions on record, where they can influence audiences. NB then seems to undercut her own position by raising the issue of different norms for the mapping of utterances to sentiments. Why so? As Allan Rumsey recently argued [Am. Anthropologist 92(2)], the distinction between the quoting voice and the quoted voice is itself just a norm for the mapping of utterances to sen- timents -- a norm for us, but not for Ngarinyin people of NW Aus- tralia. [Note: Meir Sternberg has been arguing for years that this "distinction" is not really all that distinct in our own culture, either.] So although it has been linguistic dogma for centuries that distinguishing voices allows us to distinguish responsibilities, this may be just an artifact of our cultural norms. This then brings out deep issues about the meaning of meaning. Cognitive scientists at Buffalo (Rapaport, Segal) recognized that the real phenomenon in question is not just voice but subjectivi- ty, or as literary theorists call it, focalization. E. Segal ar- gues that there are two parallel switches in subjectivity in the interview in question: one where the discourse changes from "they [black people from the underclass] don't care what you [white America] say" to "you [wA] don't care about THEIR [bpftu] lives" which is marked by repetition, pronoun switches, and stress, and the other one where the discourse changes from "white people [etc.] were well aware of the fact that black people were dying every day" to "if you [impersonal_you_] are a gang member and you would normally be killing somebody", also marked with a repeti- tion (or so ES claims). ES then seems to conclude that since the crucial passage in the interview -- if black people ... why not ... white people? -- is not marked by some (or all?) of repetition, pronoun switch, and stress, then therefore the crucial passage was not free indirect discourse and "belongs to Souljah". Other readers wondered about how this kind of analysis would hold up in court. [Note: Flaubert is said to have beaten the case concerning his _Mme Bovary_ with just this sort of argument.] And I myself wonder if we don't have here a case in which the expert witnesses fundamentally disagree as to what counts as evidence for focalization, or subjectivity switching. My own contribution will be to point out that, although G. Genette told us 20 years ago that focalization is essentially a _restriction_, focalization actually has (at least) three dif- ferent functions. One, which SS herself -- in a Pacifica radio interview -- seemed to be aware of, is to avoid responsibility by restricting the validity of what is placed on record. [Note: news reports do this all the time with their "informed sources".[ This function is well-known to linguists. A second function of focalization is to "step into the shoes" of someone [of bfptu, for instance] and to present the world like it actually fells, for them. Thus SS is not only avoiding responsi- bility, she is also inviting us [wA] to empathize with them [bpftu]. A third (perhaps more subtle) function of focalization is to validate the (restricted) content of what is focalized, and to claim that the world is actually like it feels. An easy place to see this function at work is on scientific discourse, i experi- mental narratives, where focalization is a "_convention_ for gen- erating matters of fact." [_Leviathan and the Air Pump, p 55. Note: Plato had it that attaining the truth "would be achieved most purely by the man who approached each object with his intel- lect alone as far as possible, neither adducing sight in his thinking, nor dragging in any other sense to accompany his rea- soning" (_Phaedo_55e) but by the beginning of the 17th century it was becoming accepted that singular experiences -- subjective witnessings -- could provide access to matters of fact about na- ture. Robert Boyle deliberately proselytized for the new view by incorporating vicarious subjective witnessings into his experi- mental narratives.] The idea here is that the scientist is saying to the reader: "you don't have to believe me, you can see for yourself," [and that seeing is believing, of course] and the ef- fect on the reader is that something appears without appearing to have been conjured up. It is currently my belief that news reports also rely on this function of focalization, quite heavily. In other words, they are not only saying to the reader/listener: "look, we are not respon- sible for the validity of this report," but at the same time they are also saying (underhandedly, so to speak): "look, see for yourself, this is how is really is." But then if this is what news reports do, couldn't it also have been what Sister Souljah was doing? [Note: it has been suggested to me that the particular function of focalization which is in effect for any given example depends on the particular genre of the example, but I don't know how that works.] Jeff LansingMail to author|Respond to list|Read more issues|LINGUIST home page|Top of issue