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Alexis Manaster-Ramer's statement that: > There is the entire literature on incomplete > neutralization, which claims that in Russian, Polish, German, > and Catalan (which every phonetician has always heard as having > absolute total exceptionless final devoicing), there are small > but systematic measurable differences in the way underlying voiced > and voiceless finals are realized (differences realized in the > preceding vowel usually, as I understand). is incorrect: not EVERY phonetician has ALWAYS heard these cases as having totally exceptionless final devoicing. True, there are a great many cloth-eared phoneticians around who are apparently incapable of noticing the phonetic distinction between "devoiced" voiced stops and ordinary voiceless stops, but that does not mean that all ear-trained phoneticians are bad, or that impressionistic phonetics is no good. Ear training and impressionistic phonetics should be judged on the record of its best practitioners, not its average or mediocre practitioners. In fact, I have heard of an occasion when a good ear-trained phonetician pointed out the difference between devoiced voiced final stops and voiced stops in German to a very well-known senior phonetician (who shall remain nameless), whose response was "I refuse to believe it", but later published several papers on it, having satisfied himself by instrumental experiments that the ear-trained phonetician's observations were indeed correct. Which rather tends to refute Alexis's additional comment that: > the differences > in question are so small that we could not expect a human phonetician > to hear them. To open up this discussion a bit, I would like to pose the following quiz: has instrumental phonetics made ANY original qualitative (not quantitative) observation about human speech that had not already been noted by ear-trained phoneticians. I predict that we will be hard pressed to find any examples. --- John ColemanMail to author|Respond to list|Read more issues|LINGUIST home page|Top of issue
Alexis Manaster Ramer writes: > Now, the differences > in question are so small that we could not expect a human phonetician > to hear them. --- but a native hearer could? If a phonetician can't hear them, who *would* you expect to hear them, and what is the importance of these differences? Apparently not perceptually important? Then why should a speaker make these distinctions? If something is unhearable I take it that it is also unusable from the hearer's point of view. I wonder whether we aren't asking too little of phoneticians' ears? In my experience it's often the RANGE OF VARIABILITY that is important. Some things you would want to differentiate phonologically can be phonetically identical sometimes, because the range of things you might find would be different for the two phonological units. It might just happen that the phonetic exponents of these things overlap, but that the ranges of variability are different for each item. > I might add that the instrumental findings which show that > words 'lucky' and 'bugger' have intervocalic fricatives seem > to me quite consistent with the fact that pretty decent phoneticians > often describe these as stops, namely, these fricatives are utterly > different from a good ach-laut or gamma. --- are you saying these words *always* have intervocalic fricatives? and that when they are pronounced with fricatives phoneticians can't hear this? I would like the reference for this work please. --- And why *should* a velar fricative in English sound like 'a good ach-laut' (is this meant to be phonetic terminology?) or a 'gamma' (the name of a letter used to describe a phonetic event?!)? Do you mean velar fricatives as are canonically described for German and Greek? These fricatives do quite different work from the ones you might find in English, so if they don't sound the same I am not amazed. --- again, if fricatives are misheard as plosives I would like to know why the phoneticians in question are 'pretty decent'. Richard OgdenMail to author|Respond to list|Read more issues|LINGUIST home page|Top of issue
I have to agree with Alexis Manaster-Ramer that the human ear has its limitations and that instrumental studies are often needed. Cases of incomplete neutralization where the phonetician's ear is incapible of hearing the difference have been reported in child phonology and in aphasia. In child phonology, it is clear that some children incompletely devoice final obstruents, but the phonetician can't detect it; sometimes its a matter of a subtle difference in the length of the preceding vowel. Another common process is the "voicing" of word-initial obstruents, and some children DO produce a sub-perceptual difference between e.g. /t/ and /d/. Some children who appear to pronounce /r/ as [w] do in fact produce them with subtle differences. Many children delete word-final obstruents; some of those children apparently don't delete them entirely, because you can see small transitions in the spectrograms. In apraxia of speech, which involves motor incoordination, you can get apparent cases where the speaker mispronounces one phoneme as another, e.g. /n/ as [d]. But acoustic and x-ray studies show that the velum is simply being controlled poorly, and this occasionally leads to a PERCEPTION of a phonemic error. (And transcription of children with cleft palates, where the velum can be poorly controlled even after surgical correction, has the same sorts of problems.) I think the best instances of where the ear is insufficient come from child language and aphasia; instances from normal adult speech are rarer and more controversial. The ear is really important, too, though, and I for one trust it a lot --- with an understanding that there are certain limitations. Sometimes you need to do both ear and instrumental studies. I confess I get nervous when people do JUST instrumental studies; some of the differences reported for final devoicing in Polish, for example, HAD to have been detectable by a phonetician. ---joe stembergerMail to author|Respond to list|Read more issues|LINGUIST home page|Top of issue