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> Date: Mon, 26 Oct 1992 23:16 est > From: SKIESLINGMail to author|Respond to list|Read more issues|LINGUIST home page|Top of issueguvax.acc.georgetown.edu > > Although my French is very, very limited, it strikes me that the only > possibility being entertained for this 'ne pleonastique' is negation. > Why not something else, like modality. The sentences cited by Don Webb > ("Je crains qu'il ne pleuve" "I fear it may rain" and "Ce 'ne' est > plus difficile a'comprendre que je ne pensais" "This 'ne' is harder to > understand than I thought") both seem to entail a certain amount of > irrealis or uncertainty on the speaker's part (judging from the > translation, however), especially in the former sentence, where the > translation contains a modal expressing uncertainty. If it were not some sort of an implicit negation, but a matter of irrealis or uncertainty, we would surely see a far more extensive use of 'ne pleo- nastique' than we actually do, e.g. in hypothetical clauses of the type "If I had known, I wouldn't have come" -> in French "si j'avais su, je ne serais pas venu". There is no 'ne pleonastique' in the irrealis part.
oops. i misglossed and mistranslated a yiddish sentence and the real gloss may be relevant to the modality issue: >vi er zol nit gehat laydn fun ir... >how he shall not had suffer from her... >'however much he had suffered because of her...' the pluperfect in yiddish is not very common (yiddish lacks most 'sequence of tense' phenomena, so the need doesn't arise very often) and is usually conveyed by helping verb + _gehat_ 'had' + past ppl but it may also be, as in the above sentence, helping verb (here _zoln_ 'shall') + _gehat_ 'had' + infin (here _laydn_ 'suffer'). i'd never seen a pluperfect where the helping verb was not _zayn_ 'be' or _hobn_ 'have', whichever one the main verb selects, but here it is _zoln_ 'shall', presumably required by the pleonastic negation. but perhaps the pluperfect is there to override somehow the irrealis effect of _zoln_... anyway, sorry for the mistake in my previous posting.Mail to author|Respond to list|Read more issues|LINGUIST home page|Top of issue
Does not French `jamais' in the sense of `ever' also fall into the category of pleonastic negation? In addition to `si jamais' (`just in case'), which is idiomatic, I think constructions like `le plus beau village que j'ai jamais vu' (`the most beautiful town I've ever seen) are quite common, unlike those with expletive `ne'. -- Laszlo Kalman Dept. of Computational Linguistics University of A'damMail to author|Respond to list|Read more issues|LINGUIST home page|Top of issue
As a classical-philologist-turned-generative-linguist who now teaches syntax-semantics in a French department I thought I should have something intelligent to say about those funny NEs in written French, but all I can come up with (in response to the quest for information from latinists) is something I learned in highschool from my Latin teacher in Germany. The NE in Latin complement clauses after verbs like TIMEO `to fear' etc. was explained to me as a vestige of "old parataxis", so TIMEO NE VENIAT `I'm afraid that he might come' started out as TIMEO! NE VENIAT `I'm scared! May he not come!, where the second clause has the desiderative subjunctive (or whatever it's called). It made sense to me then and it still does now. But Latin PRIUSQUAM `before' and ANTEQUAM `before' to my recollection do not have clausal complements introduced by NE. They just have the plain subjunctive, so French AVANT QU'IL NE VIENNE is probably not a Latin vestige. Wish I knew more, and I hope someone will give a nice explanation for the NE in those other French subordinate constructions. Knud LambrechtMail to author|Respond to list|Read more issues|LINGUIST home page|Top of issue
Ellen Prince points out that "pleonastic negation" occurs in (what I call) parametric concessive conditional clauses in Yiddish: Es iz mir gut vu ikh zol nit zayn. it it to.me good where I SBJV NEG be 'I'm fine wherever I am.' This also occurs in some Slavic languages, notably Polish and the East Slavic languages, so the Yiddish construction is clearly a calque. Cf. Russian: Mne xorosho gde by ja ni byl. to.me good where SBJV I NEG be:PAST 'I'm fine wherever I am.' The only other language where I have found negation in parametric concessive conditional clauses is Georgian. In this language, influence from Slavic is much less likely, though not impossible. In a recent talk on the typology of concessive conditional clauses by Ekkehard Koenig and myself, we speculate that there might be a connection between pleonastic negation in concessive conditionals and negation in exclamative clauses, e.g. German Was du nicht sagst! what you NEG say:PRES:2SG 'What are you saying!' Martin Haspelmath, Free University of BerlinMail to author|Respond to list|Read more issues|LINGUIST home page|Top of issue
Getting back to English, is the literary "I fear lest S" a calque on French, since "lest" is a negative meaning "so that NOT" in other contexts?Mail to author|Respond to list|Read more issues|LINGUIST home page|Top of issue