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About 6 weeks ago, Rex Wallace of UMass and I posted a query asking LINGUIST readers for clear examples of distant (i.e. nonadjacent) assimilations. Though we weren't as specific in our query as we should have been, our interest was in distant consonantal assimilations, and more particularly in whether there were any such instances involving manner assimilation. The reason for our interest in this question stemmed from a paper we were preparing for the LSA meeting in January in which we examined how Gamkrelidze & Ivanov's Glottalic Theory would account for the development of Proto-Indo-European voiced aspirates (e.g., the traditionally reconstructed *dh, or *d[h] in the Gamkrelidze-Ivanov system, where *d[h] means [d] with phonetically present but phonemically irrelevant aspiration) in Italic. Basically, in order to do away with the need to posit Grassmann's Law (dissimilatory loss of aspiration on the first of two successive aspirated consonants) in Greek and Sanskrit (and Tocharian, though they don't discuss that) independently, Gamkrelidze & Ivanov posit allophonic variation between [d] and [dh] for PIE, governed by a constraint that only one aspirate was allowed to surface in a root that had two potentially aspirated consonants underlyingly. Thus, for them, PIE */ d[h]eyg[h]-/ would surface as [deygh-] or as [dheyg-] but not as [dheygh-], in PIE itself, and thus there should be no reflexes of diaspirate forms like [dheygh-] in any of the daughter languages. It turns out though that in Italic there are reflexes of such "diaspirate" forms, actually a whole bunch -- we eventually found 8, though some are of lesser probative value than others for philological reasons, problems with textual transmission, obscurity of etymology, etc. One of the best examples is Oscan < feihuss > 'walls', pretty clearly from the *dheygh- 'fashion, shape' root. Gamkrelidze & Ivanov would predic that **feig-(uss) would occur, since the Oscan medial -h- is what would be expected as the reflex of the aspirate *gh allophone and the initial f- is what is expected from the aspirate *dh, in violation of their putative "one aspirate at most per root:" constraint for Proto-Indo-European. In their 1984 book (Indoevropejskij jazyk i indoevropejci) they explicitly claim that feih- for their expected feig- is the result of an assimilation (presumably, therefore, a distant manner assimilation; presumably they would also employ a similar strategy for some of the other 7 examples we found). Hence, our interest in the matter, for if f...g --> f...h is an "unnatural" or unlikely sound change, their account of the Oscan form is weakened. All of the distant consonantal assimilations we were aware of (and interestingly, there were not many examples in the standard textbooks on historical linguistics that we had ready access to) seemed to involve place assimilation (e.g. the well-known case of p...kw --> kw...kw in Italic, (kw = labiovelar here, by the way)), or nasal assimilation (Medieval Greek mespilon 'loquat' --> later musmulon), or aspiration (e.g. under one interpretation, Ancient Greek thuphlos 'blind' (dialectal) versus tuphlos (in most dialects), where the unaspirated initial may be the older form), but we weren't aware of any involving manner assimilation alone (e.g. of the sort f...g --> f...h); we were aware of cases involving manner assimilation only incidentally, e.g. where there was a total assimilation that ended up yielding a stop out of a fricative in the context of a nonadjacent stop (as in the case of Latin barba 'beard' from expected *farba (PIE *bhardha:) or Italian pipistrello 'bat' that Leslie Morgan mentions below), but ones involving manner alone not ultimately yielding a total assimilation eluded us. Below are some of the observations and examples that were forwarded to us (I am excluding mention of vowel assimilations (umlaut, vowel harmony, and the like), which many people noted generally nonadjacent material assimilating; it is interesting that nonadjacent assimilations for vowels are so prevalent but not for consonants). Our thanks to everyone who responded (Lloyd Anderson, Lowell Bouma, Aaron Broadwell, Richard de Armond, Hannele Dufva, Jill Hart, Ellen Kaisse, Patrick McConvell, Leslie Morgan, Steve Seegmiller). As you can see, good examples of assimilation in manner alone that are not total assimilations are hard to find and perhaps do not exist; there may be phonological reasons for this (as suggested by Ellen Kaisse) or physiological/phonetic reasons (as suggested by Lloyd Anderson). --FROM Patrick McConvell (mcconvell_pMail to author|Respond to list|Read more issues|LINGUIST home page|Top of issueuncl04.ntu.edu.au) "Something I first treated as dissimilation I am now treating as assimilation - specifically spreading of [-nasal]. It concerns Gurindji and a number of other Australian Aboriginal languages. In the environment of a preceding nasal-oral stop cluster, nasal codas denasalise and delete altogether if they the first part of homorganic clusterse.g. kanka-yin -> kanka-yit nyampa-wu-warla-yi-nta -> nyampa-wu-warla-yi-ta As you see this acts at long distance, over any number of liquids and glides; nasal and oral stops usually block and here is where the story gets complex." --FROM Ellen Kaisse <kaisse
u.washington.edu>: "Couldn't a large part of your problem be that manner rarely assimilates, even in adjacent segments, whereas place, nasality and laryngeal features typically do spread? (by manner I mean stricture features like continuant and maybe sonorant and maybe consonantal) --FROM Hannele Dufva <DUFVA
jylk.jyu.fi> "How about changes in the slips of the tongue? Tendencies that I would describe as assimilatory are quite common. PS I'm no specialist in Finnish (morpho)phonology but I do have a large collection of slips of the tongue (Finnish), and I could pick up a couple of examples if you're interested." --FROM Lloyd Anderson (<ECOLING
AppleLink.Apple.COM (Ecological Linguistics,Anderson,PRT) "I would not expect manner assimilation of stop to fricative in the case of the noisier fricatives at least, for both articulatory markedness reasons and also for perceptual reasons. Studies of child language have shown a "masking" effect such that if there are two fricatives, one will go the opposite direction, lose its fricative character." --FROM Jill Hart <G.R.Hart
durham.ac.uk> "A couple of examples from Hittite: (1) eshahru "tear" where the consonant before -r- was originally k' but has apparently been assimilated to the -h- at the beginning of the second syllable - though that -h- is itself a problem. (2) A more doubtful one, though some people accept it: harsar "head" from *k'(V?)rHsr, with change of *k' > h under the influence of following H [here = a PIE "laryngeal" consonant] assumed from cognates but lost in Hittite (by subsequent dissimilation?)" --FROM Leslie Z. Morgan <MORGAN
LOYOLA.EDU> "I work with Italian; the example of interest is "pipistrello" for Old Italian "vipistrello" (= "bat"). If you're interested in other examples, many of which involve nasality, look at Rohlfs, Gerhard. _Grammatica storica della lingua italiana e dei suoi dialetti_. Vol 1: _Fonetica_. The edition I have is a paperback, 1966 from Torino: Einaudi. It was originally printed in German, 1949 in Bern by A. Francke, AG.