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In think that it is me that Bill Poser is responding to when he says that he can find no evidence for the assertion that those who maintain (without any factual basis, as we have already established) a supposed 8 or 10 millenium ceiling on the comparative typically seem to be, as I said, "gunning after Nostratic or Amerind". I don't see why Poser thinks that this was "ad hominem" argument, but in any case one person who seems to me to make the connection between the alleged ceiling and the refusal to accept (or even seriously consider) the Nostratic hypothesis is Johanna Nichols on p. 6 of her book Linguistic Diversity in Space and Time. Despite all my respect for both Bill and Johanna (which I only feel it necessary to affirm because of the startling ad-hominemity charge, since normally I would just assume that it is taken for granted), I believe quite simply that (a) there is no such ceiling, (b) Nostratic is a very powerful theory and probably right, (c) people DO connect the two issues all the time. Alexis MRMail to author|Respond to list|Read more issues|LINGUIST home page|Top of issue
Comparative method Mr. William Poser notes his disbelief that supposed limitations on the comparative method have been used to block consideration of hypotheses about deep genetic relationships. I would like to let these things lie, but the lack of knowledge of some of the true history, or the reluctance to believe it, is very much like the folks who deny the Holocaust, fortunately not in severity but in kind. The fact of professional misbehavior in the resistance to Greenberg's hypotheses is a fact. It of course in no way argues in favor of Greenberg's hypotheses, but it does impugn the value of the critics as witnesses to fact (Mr. Poser's last point). The attempt to deny this misbehavior is in the long run a discredit to legitimate practitioners in the field, because it lumps the misbehaving with the very good work that even some of the same people do. We do need to distinguish between these, and rap knuckles of those who misbehave whoever they may be. Mr. Poser's wording of his question underwent two transformations from his first version to his third, so I will try to deal with each of them precisely. )The recent discussion of limitations on the comparative method )contained several assertions that such limitations had been and )were being used to justify resistance to proposals of remote )relationships, including Amerind and Nostratic. To my knowledge )this is absolutely false. ***To my knowledge this is quite true. At the Albuquerque LSA Summer ***Institute many years ago, Ives Goddard did exactly that. He said ***that languages are ***known*** to change so rapidly that discovering ***links at that depth was ***impossible***. This is not the only time. )In every instance that I am aware of )in which perceived temporal limitations on the comparative method )have been mentioned, it is by way of explaining why it is there are )no relationships beyond a certain degree of remoteness on which )there is consensus, or by way of making predictions as to what )historical linguistics will ultimately be able to achieve. This was not at all the tone of Ives Goddard's remarks. He was not merely predicting, he was exemplifying ridiculing and promoting ridiculing. He was indeed using the question of time depth (which he referred to in the many tens of thousands of years, by the way, not the 12,000 mentioned by Poser) to justify "resistance to [consideration of] proposals of remote relationships", even without regard to the errors in the data. Though of course he did *also* point out what he considered errors in the data. [In my quote from Posner, above, I inserted the words [consideration of] before "proposals", which I hope readers of this will consider not a change of the sense but a specification of what it Mr. Poser legitimately meant, given the careful distinction he was trying to draw.] )why it is there are no relationships beyond a certain degree )of remoteness on which there is consensus There has been a very strong tone of this also (slightly different from the phrasing in Mr. Poser's initial paragraph). That is, there does come up repeatedly the innuendo or invited inference that if it has not been discovered by competent specialists already, it cannot be. This is not ever asserted quite outright, of course, but in pussyfooting around it, one can see one manifestation of it in the discussions of what ***historical-comparative method can achieve*** substituting for discussions of what ***a particular set of methods or rules of evidence can achieve***. These are two quite different things, because defining comparative-historical method circularly as the set of methods currently used, with no extensions ever to be allowed, no refinements, no methods of handling data which can better sort out noise than the ones we now use. Such an assertion in any field of science is laughable, in comparative-historical linguistics no less than in any other. Of course it is not outright asserted. But some discussion treats it as an assumption. One of my favorite examples is the rule against using less than three-consonant matches for putative cognates, because otherwise too many chance resemblances can creep in, etc. If this rule is enforced, then we can never prove (or even consider!!!) a relationship of Siouxan-Yuchi, for example, since one of the members has only very short roots available for comparison (I have forgotten some of the details of this), and this impossibility is enforced even *** independent of the time depth***. I would like to see the comparative- historical stalwarts being just as critical of such supposed rules, and ridiculing them just as loudly as they do Greenberg. But of course they do not. They do not in general take sufficient distance to look back at current supposed rules of comparative-historical linguistics and actually attempt to prove some of them inapplicable if taken as absolutes. This is of course not to deny that having three-consonant comparisons is better than having only two-consonat comparisons, and indeed precisely for the reason asserted, namely that it is better at eliminating noise, that is, chance resemblances. I here use the term "noise" because I would like for comparative-historical linguists to see their science as merely one among many which deals with noisy data, one which can achieve more when methods are improved for identifying and eliminating the effects of noise on our judgements. The problem is the use of the supposed "rule" as an absolute, and the failure to rap the knuckles of those who do so just as loudly as rapping the knuckles of Greenberg and associates. [My personal interpretation is that some of these partisans take defeat of Greenberg to be such an overriding concern, or they simply are so appalled, that they either cannot conceive of any vulnerabilities of current comparative- historical practice, or else they do not want any public perception of such vulnerabilities to interfere with the campaign against Greenberg. The basis for this interpretation on my part is hearing overt statements that they are concerned with student enrolments in traditional courses and that is why they are fighting Greenberg. They might do better to keep the excitement of interesting hypotheses, and pose the challenge of how to deal with them rigorously. That would be a challenge which could attract a new generation of students, to improve the ability of comparative-historical techniques to deal with noisy data and distant time depths.] Concerning the matter of errors, the treatment of them can be evaluated for its forthrightness. I remember during the early years of the debate, when Goddard, Chafe, and Campbell pointed out the many errors making Greenberg's work "worthless", that I repeatedly communicated with each of them asking for a list of all the errors they had identified (so that I could try to estimate whether correcting them would change the direction of the relationships which Greenberg claimed was closer). No such lists were forthcoming, nor any notification to me of later publication of them. I believe the individuals in question sincerely believed there were so many errors that ... but did not feel a responsibility to provide a list of those errors when making the public condemnation. That is in my view a lack of respect for the right of all to judge the evidence, rather than merely assertions by authority, which is in fact what we were faced with for a considerable time and still to a considerable degree. Robert Rankin did published his list for areas of his specialty (in IJAL). For this I certainly commend him. I find his discussion odd for two reasons. One is because I am a pattern-finder, and it seems that Greenberg did indeed switch columns at some stage in recopying his data, mixing up a couple of the languages to which words were attributed. This would be I think the conclusion of standard studies of manuscript transmissions. (Rankin notes other errors which I would not attribute to this kind of column-switch, but the expanation of switching columns is I believe still valid for a substantial portion of the errors.) The second oddity is that Rankin himself says that perhaps correcting these errors would not affect the conclusions one would draw for grouping these languages (I am not referring back to the article at this point so please forgive a slight inaccuracy here). But then Rankin fails to follow up on his own comment, by evaluating the possibility that Greenberg's conclusions might not be affected by correcting this particular data (most of which was a mixup on which language the data came from within a given well recognized family). This is very important, because if the results would not be substantially changed, it will invalidate a prominent claim made ***many times*** by Greenberg's critics that the errors make the entire study "worthless" or "seriously flawed" (use of this last term is a dead giveaway for an academic posing as the ultimate higher authority judge of someone else who is supposedly lower). One of Greenberg's points has been that the methods he is using, selecting the closest from among innumerable potential language matchings rather than simply trying to prove two particular languages to be related, has some degree of resistance to noise in the data. His own errors will be one type of such noise. Since this has been a major point of debate, it is surprising to me that Greenberg's detractors do not face the issue purely as a factual matter. If they do, they will actually let their corrections of his errors be tested for whether such corrections substantially change which languages come out as more closely related, by his methods. (Note, by the way, that the standard of evaluation of this question is ***not*** how much evidence there remains for a particular two-language connection, since that is not Greenberg's method, and since any identification of errors in anything will always reduce the remainind data, circularly by definition.) So let's indeed deal with the factual questions about how resistant to noise Greenberg's methods actually are. And discover as many other ways to increase resistance to noise as we can, since after all Greenberg's is merely one tool, along with the *other* tools used in historical and comparative linguistics, in a larger task of gaining more understanding of language and human history. Back to the third of Mr. Poser's three phrasings: )I do not )know of a single instance in which someone has argued: ) Such and such a proposed relationship is associated ) with a time-depth of X years. This exceeds the ) temporal limits of the comparative method. Therefore ) the proposal must be wrong. )If anyone can provide evidence of such an argument being made I would )be most interested. The wording above is quite different from the wording Mr. Poser used earlier, if we are being exact. "The proposal must be wrong" is quite different from the claim "It is wrong to make the proposal or to consider it." Only the second, or something like "we cannot ever know if a proposal at such a time depth could be right", could follow purely logically from an assertion that relationships cannot be proved beyond a certain time depth. I do not specifically recall anyone juxtaposing the two statements which are NOT logically connected so blatantly as Mr. Posner does here. But in any case this is not the point. It is the earlier forms of Mr. Poser's question which are relevant to our discussion, and no rewording such as this can make the misbehavers innocent by converting the question into a straw claim which of course they were not so silly as to assert overtly. )In sum, whatever the validity of proposed temporal limits on the )comparative method, and I agree that such limits are far from exact, )the view that this has anything to do with reactions to Greenberg's )work on Amerind and similar work is a red-herring. No, it is not. Now Mr. Poser is asserting a conclusion based on his assumption of lack of misbehavior, rather than, as he began, saying that he was not aware of any and asking to be notified if others knew differently. I do know differently, and actually, I think, so does he, if he took more time to examine from various perspectives, but it probably never occurred to him that some of the "rules" being asserted as absolutes were forms of misbehavior because they would indeed rule out even the consideration of hypotheses, even such as Siouxan-Yuchi. )To evaluate such proposals, look at the data and look at the methodology, )not at the alleged (and generally unknowable) motivations of the )critics. You'd think that the irrelevance of ad hominem arguments )except in matters of credibility of witnesses would not need to be )repeated constantly. )Bill Poser I agree with this entirely. In this case, of course, we ***are*** concerned with the credibility of some professionals as witnesses to what is actually done in comparative-historical linguistics, and as to the effect of noise in data on the possibility of drawing conclusions or on particular conclusions. That is, they are both misreporting what they actually do (unconsciously in most instances, I think), and holding defeat of Greenberg's approach to be so important that they have been slipshod both in their logic and in their respect for the right of other professionals to judge based on the facts themselves rather than assertions of authority. I have responded to Mr. Posner's message at length because his difficulty in believing that there has been misbehavior coloring these debates shades over so far into a rewriting of history. Such assertions must not go unchallenged by those who have been witnesses to relevant facts and who care very deeply about historical linguistics being an open discipline responding to actual data, rather than to personalities or vested interests. The value of recovering parts of the history of the human mind is simply too great to tolerate blocking further progress for illegitimate reasons. As an aside, a propos of recent discussions of typology, I should note that there also been a long-standing antipathy towards linguistic typology among comparative-historical linguists, based I believe on excesses of the era of Schmidt's Die Sprachkreisen der Erde and on "purely superficial comparisons" (i.e. those which do not make sufficient use of, nor show sufficient respect for, the special skills of the historical linguists). It has led to a difficulty in seeing that typology can be a typology of paths of change of particular constructions. Typological-historical linguistics is just as crucial to comparative-historical linguists, by augmenting their unconscious judgements of the likelihood that there could be an A from which B and C both descend, as the results of comparative-historical linguistics are to typological historical linguists, in providing basic data on known or at least highly plausible cases of historical changes, the necessary basis for any typology of known possibilities. The two are inseparable parts of the same effort at understanding our world. The field of typological historical linguistics only makes more explicit what all comparative-historical linguists must do, whether consciously or implicitly. We need to keep all the parts of linguistics in touch with each other, not allow any one part to become isolated and develop too many merely in-group conventional customs about what kind of cookies are allowed with one's tea, customs which may easily lose their connection with their empirical basis fostering reliable conclusions. Just as a personal note, even at the Albuquerque meeting mentioned, I indicated why I thought some of Greenberg's conclusions about pronouns *might be wrong*, from work I had done. But, unlike Goddard, I was not questioning the value of his raising specific hypotheses, and certainly was also explicit that he might be right. How could I possibly "know" otherwise without time to examine his reasoning and data in greater detail than was possible on a new presentation (and even after such an opportunity, I would probably not know the answer; that is for a future generation, for whom we can provide some better patterned and cleaner data). I am one of the more ***conservative*** in what I consider sufficient evidence for a claim, but one of the more ***liberal*** in what I consider legitimate hypotheses to consider, precisely because I know enough of history of science to know that we cannot predict in advance what kinds of evidence will be forthcoming or will turn out to be probative. Some are not so modest about the absoluteness of their knowledge. The most recent example of my work in this field is a book on the undeciphered writing system of La Mojarra, Veracruz, Mexico, in which I provide the latest in concordances to glyphic phrasings and potential parallels as aids to decipherment, with only very few interpretations claimed as have some substantial support in the data. In contrast to some other workers on this ***still undeciphered*** text, I avoided grandiose claims to substantial decipherments of the vast majority of the text. Sincerely, Lloyd AndersonMail to author|Respond to list|Read more issues|LINGUIST home page|Top of issue