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I am grateful to Larry Horn for giving me the opportunity to specify my position in more detail. My claim that adjacency does not play a syntactic role in coordination is based on the observation that adjacency does not seem to be the driving force. Horn gives these examples: (i) a. There was/*were a man and two women in the room. b. There were/*was two women and a man in the room. but: (ii) a. A man and two women were/*was in the room. b. Two women and a man were/*was in the room. If adjacency did play a decisive role, we would not know how to explain (iib). In my view, feature conflicts between conjuncts can be solved in two ways (if solved at all). One way is that there is some kind of resolution in which both conjuncts are "computed" and a common feature or some feature determined by a general rule wins (see G. Corbett 1991). This is how number is usually determined in English, where sg and sg = pl. The other way is that one feature wins, and this is always the one which happens to be in the "specifier" conjunct, i.e., the first conjunct in a head-initial language like English. In my dissertation, I have shown how several examples of unbalanced coordination can be explained this way. (This is also an answer to Alexis Manaster-Ramer, who wanted principled explanations.) The sentences (ia,b) with a preposed predicate, and several equivalent examples from e.g. Arabic, Czech and Old Norse, are compatible with both an adjacency and a specifier explanation. The decisive factor must therefore be found by looking at different structures, such as that in (iib). However, I do not have an explanation for why a predicate in a pre-subject position triggers a different kind of solution to the feature conflict. Janne Bondi Johannessen.Mail to author|Respond to list|Read more issues|LINGUIST home page|Top of issue
Just to throw in my two kopecks worth, Russian not only allows but strongly prefers *These man and woman, i.e. Eti muzh i zhena (plus plural verb agree- ment). Grace Fielder University of Arizona GFIELDERMail to author|Respond to list|Read more issues|LINGUIST home page|Top of issueCCIT.ARIZONA.EDU
In her monograph _Agreement in Contemporary Standard Russian_ (Columbus, Ohio: Slavica, 1976) Dina B. Crockett discusses plural attributives modifying conjoined singular nouns, including rare examples of plural determiners, e.g., nas"i dedus"ka i babus"ka our [pl] grandfather and grandmother. (See Chapter 3: "Attributives Associated with Two or More Nouns.") Bob RothsteinMail to author|Respond to list|Read more issues|LINGUIST home page|Top of issue