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Fritz Newmeyer asks if it is legitimate to apply the comparative method in syntax. My answer is Yes, but it is more difficult. The main reason why one sees more work on historical-comparative syntax than fifty years ago is that syntax has become much more prestigious in recent decades. I don't think that there was a shift from a once "standard" view that syntactic reconstruction is impossible. Bernhard Delbrueck's historical-comparative syntax of Indo-European, published a hundred years ago, clearly showed that comparative syntax is both possible and fruitful, but perhaps too difficult to attract many followers. The view that historical-comparative syntax is impossible was defended in some detail in Lightfoot's (1979) Principles of Diachronic Syntax, but few researchers seem to have been discouraged by Lightfoot's attitude. It is true that Latin syntax could hardly be reconstructed from modern Romance languages, but neither could Latin morphology, and even the view of Latin phonology that we would get from Romance is very distorted. Our reconstruction of protolanguage grammar is always imperfect, but that is no reason not to attempt reconstruction. The main error on Lightfoot's side is that there is no syntactic analog to the regularity of sound change. It's just a bit more complicated in syntax--just like syntax is more complicated overall than phonology. Basically, the analog to phonemes and words are words and sentences. True, the difference between words and sentences is that in general sentences are not stored in the lexicon. But neither are many complex words (rendering morphological reconstruction similarly difficult, but nobody seems ever to have objected to morphological reconstruction), and some sentences are actually stored, e.g. proverbs and idioms, which often show syntactic archaisms. And since earlier syntax often survives in "fossilized" form in later morphology, we have another rich source of data for diachronic syntax. In addition to regularity of change, we need general principles of change for plausible reconstruction, e.g. phonological principles that predict likely changes like assimilation, lenition, segment loss, etc. In syntax, similar principles of change exist as well: Spatial nouns become spatial adpositions, certain general verbs become tense and aspect markers, allative case markers become dative case markers, purposive verb forms become infinitives, etc. All these processes (instances of grammaticalization) are irreversible changes and provide safe guides for linguists seeking to make sense of daughter language diversity by reconstructing a proto-syntax. The massive regularities of grammaticalization are generally ignored in generative studies of syntactic change (indeed, Lightfoot argues that there are no genuine principles of diachronic syntax), but if one takes them into account, they help in the difficult task of reconstruction. Martin Haspelmath (Free University of Berlin)Mail to author|Respond to list|Read more issues|LINGUIST home page|Top of issue
Theoretically, there is no reason why the comparative method could not be applied to syntactic properties. However, there are two practical, very great, impediments: 1. Syntax dealing with word order, what is word order? And further which word order in which environments? E.g.: Ich verstehe Sie. Ploetzlich verstehe ich Sie. (subordinating conjunction) ich Sie verstehe. Un grand homme. Un homme grand. Ma chemise propre. Ma propre chemise. 2. How do we measure the difference? How far is SVO from SOV? From VSO? Not only we do not know how to describe syntactic properties satisfactorily, but we do not know how to measure their differences, or, it boils down to the same, their similarities. Now, you can validly argue that a binary scale (same, different, and no shades of grey in between) is good enough. Remains that you do not reach valid comparisons on the basis of a single feature, but of many. If languages X and Y have n identical features out of N, we are tempted to say that their syntactic similarity is n/N. But that is true if and only if each feature has the same weighting. On top of that, we do not even know what constitutes *one* feature. For instance, we may consider SVO as consisting of two to three features: 1. Relative order of subject and verb 2. Relative order of verb and object 3. Relative order of subject and object where necessary to disambiguate. And further, how do we specify free SV order for instance? Via a ternary relation (precede, follow, free), thus order = (free,S,V) or a binary relation (precede,follow) and a union, thus order = (precede,S,V) +(follow,S,V)? Too many questions unanswered, I fear even unaddressed. Too many questions issuing from them. We cannot, I think, found a proper methodology on such shaky grounds. We'd better be content with arguing futilely until we are blue in the keyboard. Or else set about tackling those questions, a daunting task. j.guyMail to author|Respond to list|Read more issues|LINGUIST home page|Top of issuetrl.oz.au
I would add to Fritz Newmeyer's caveats about limitations to syntactic reconstruction these fairly obvious two: 1. for many syntactic dimensions, the choices are so few that chance resemblances are so probable as to obscure the evidence of common ancestry. 2. there is consideration non-arbitrariness in syntactic systems, so that, again, resemblance arises from other than common ancestry. Larry Gorbet lgorbetMail to author|Respond to list|Read more issues|LINGUIST home page|Top of issuemail.unm.edu Anthropology & Linguistics Depts. (505) 883-7378 University of New Mexico Albuquerque, NM, U.S.A.