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I was originally going to send the message below simply to Leo Conolly with respect to his question about Karamojong, Jie and can we trust Greenberg's classification. As I was writing it, I realised that it might be related to the ongoing and interminable discussion about methods in historical linguistics -- but mainly a historical perspective on Greenberg's contributions to African linguistics, which have become tainted to the less well informed because of his debacle with Amerind and various other schemes. In fact, I think the following, written in my inimitable (and nobody should want to) style, should invite further comment from Africanists AND Amerind scholars , and raise questions about why his Amerind theory is likely to be less successful than his 4-African-families theory. In a gist, the parallelism between the G Africanist and Amerind controversies is that the more particular experts knew about their languages the more they resisted and resented his intrusion, because of G's apparently cavalier attitude to expertise (hmm, and dirty data). The difference is that there are large sociopolitical differences between the dominant theories and attitudes that G attacked with his African hypotheses and with his Amerind hypothesis. When I say "sociopolitical" I don't mean just office politics, but ways in which the prevailing hypotheses of the time fit into the larger society. Note in that context my reference to "Hamitic" below, and its sociopolitical implications with respect to the Egyptians -- in some quarters their "race" is still being argued, and will probably continue to be until people understand what "race" really is/has been. I make some suggestions below, but there is a lot more to the story -- and none of us alone knows enough to tell it. Benji Text-of-forwarded-mail Date Tue, 29 Nov 94 21:04 PST To conollyMail to author|Respond to list|Read more issues|LINGUIST home page|Top of issuemsuvax.memphis.edu From benji wald (IBENAWJ) Subject Kar/Jie Leo. Karamojong is one of a number of languages which are collectively called Jie. They are Nilotic languages. Obviously related languages are spoken in Sudan, e.g., Dinka, Nuer, Shilluk, in Uganda, e.g., Achooli, Lango and in Kenya/Tanzania, e.g., Luo. If you saw a word list from each of these languages, e.g., the numbers from one to ten, you would have little difficulty reconstructingthe parent language yourself. Now when it comes to another branch of Nilotic which includes Maasai and Kalenjin I think you could also see the genetic relationship. All the Nilotic languages were recognised as genetically related long before Greenberg. But then the bigshots of pre-Greenberg, esp the German super-star Carl Meinhof went further. They wanted to connect these languages with"Hamitic"(you know people related to the Egyptians with all the implications of the jaded racial arguments about whether the Egyptians were black or not -- or rather NOT black, or not not). They drew not only cultural but racial conclusions from this. Greenberg came along and ended that nonsense. On the other hand, he used his mass comparison method to connect them to languages which had previously not been recognised as related -- and called them "Sudanic". He had renamed the West African languages related to Bantu "Niger-Congo", where Westermann had previously used the name "Sudanic" for those West African languages (but did not dare relate them directly to Bantu though he had some such suspicions, against the orthodoxy of the time.) The Greenberg Sudanic languages include groups spread through Northern Zaire and Central African Republic, e.g., Avukaya, Lugbara etc. and Chad, e.g., the Sara and Bagirmi languages. Renamings without reclassification occur after Greenberg first outlined what became his and MOST Africanists basic scheme, so you are welcome to be confused by the literature, and must pay careful attention to the date of whatever you read. Although G's Sudanic group is problematic, it is a better grouping then came before (to the extent that scholars were simply bewildered by the number of unrelated families -- which wouldn't be so bad, but then they used geographical labels for groupings which became ambiguous for geography and genetic relationship). Finally, G went on to incorporate Sudanic into a larger group called Nilo- Saharan. This includes such West African giants as Kanuri in Nigeria and Songhai in Mali, etc. While they are clearly not Niger- Congo, their relationship to each other and to "Sudanic" (I already said that was problematic, but less so then Nilo-S) is quite problematic. Nevertheless, G established order where there was prejudice and chaos, and a grateful set of Africanists adopted his labels, fully aware that they were problematic. And they started working on the problem. he gave experts in different languages a basis for talking to each other. The Bantuists, the royalty of African linguistics, were latest to adopt his framework. If you want a quick survey of the history and so on, read Edgar Gregersen's book, found in most libraries. Although Gregersen admires G, and tries to outdo him by relating Nilo-Saharan (or whatever it was called at that time -- I forget) and Niger-Congo by using G's method, almost everyone agrees that this was going too far, and G had already moved on to greener pastures, he thought. So G's classification was good for African linguistics, and was able to dispel racial myths in an area where they had run rampant. The tradition in American Indian languages is quite different, and apparently much of the data were even lousier than what was available for African languages in an earlier time. I have no idea how useless G's work is in Amerind lgs, but his work was very useful in African languages, and not at all far-fetched even when still questionable -- and questioned. Benji
The notion that it is possible to "show the [genetic] relationship of a group of languages by exhibiting systematic correspondences of sounds in the vocabularies of said languages", as suggested in a recent communication of Alexis Manaster Ramer, is indeed novel, and would allow us, for example, to reconstruct Proto-French-English forthwith. The only problem is that we would not be able to write the grammar of this putative protolanguage. And in fact, that is the real point : two languages are proven to be genetically related when one can demonstrate the possibility of writing a grammar of the protolanguage. "Systematic correspondences of sounds in the vocabularies" may prove a connection between languages, which is certainly an interesting first step, but there the real work of comparative grammar starts: the connection proven by such systematic correspondences may be the result of universals (see Jakobson Why Mama and Papa), of chance (soup in English and Sanskrit), of borrowing (French and English, for the most part), or of genetic relationship. Until one can exclude the first three factors, one has proven nothing at all regarding genetic relationship. It's not "morphological paradigms" you need, Alexis, but a grammar! Write a grammar of Nostratic and the linguistic world will beat a path to your door. I am also grateful to Herbert Stahlke for his interesting comment on this subject. To my mind the difference in Greenberg's African and American Indian is that African languages and language families are in fact rather close, so a down-and-dirty Guessing system such as Greenberg's does not do too badly. In "Amerind", however, he has packed around eleven families and the same number of "isolates", and it is this which stretches the credulity of us honest comparativists. American Indian languages are a far more diverse group than African, and will at minimum take a lot more work if true interconnections are to be established. AS my teacher Mary Haas always said, we need grammars of protolanguages!! Get to work, ye aspiring grammarians. Yours, Karl (=Karl V. Teeter, Professor of Linguistics, Emeritus, Harvard University)Mail to author|Respond to list|Read more issues|LINGUIST home page|Top of issue