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Let me say in response to Alexis Manaster-Ramer that nobody would be more delighted than I should it turn out that Nostratic is a real language family, or even "Amerind". All I want is convincing evidence. It is certainly wrong of him to say in respect to me, and I am sure also with respect to Victor Golla, that we are "afraid of looking at the substantive issues surounding the Nostratic hypothesis". To the best of my knowledge, I have not even remotely been discussing that issue, but rather my views on the methodology of comparative grammar and linguistic history. I am neither a "splitter" nor a "lumper",just an old-fashioned believer in facts and proof. As to specific points in AMR's latest epistle: (1) "surely [Karl] does not mean that a comparative grammar is a prerequisite to a reconstruction". Of course not, I can't imagine how AMR could have gotten anything so silly out of all the things I have been saying. Then he goes on to the undeniable statement, undeniable since wholly circular, "we cannot demand a detailed morphological reconstruction until the languages are accepted as related FIRST and then ONLY if the languages in question HAVE morphology to speak of". Totally unexceptionable, but also, it seems to me, totally irrelevant to any position of mine. What I have been talking about in most of the discussion to date is the crucial importance of distinguishing borrowed material, words or structure, from that for which we must postulate retention from a protolanguage. I have characterized the process of comparative grammar as that of writing a grammar of the protolanguage, and would still do so, and clearly, grammars include more than morphology. (2) AMR goes on to rabble-rouse a bit about the importance of "having to look at the substantive issues"--again, entirely unexceptionable. It is clear I and AMR agree on many things: I don't think we can do morphological reconstruction without having morphological data, and I consider it highly important to look at substantive issues. (3) One place where we do not agree I have already responded to in my message which appeared the same time as AMR's, although he had it earlier: the possibility of writing a grammar of proto-French-English on the basis of the very large amount of common vocabulary. He says he can easily write a "comparative grammar" of it and call it proto-Wilhelmian. What he can't do is write a grammar of it, because it is not a language. (4) Finally, I have said and would repeat, that the most important task in doing the history of a family of languages is to write a grammar of the protolanguage. You don't need morphology, but it is hard work, and nobody has done it yet for Nostratic or Amerind.Mail to author|Respond to list|Read more issues|LINGUIST home page|Top of issue
Dear Helge, Sally, and "multiple recipients of list LINGUIST": Ye gods and little fishes! I am honored and overwhelmed to receive, along with my latest on the comparative method, no less than THREE messages in response to mine. One of them, from Alexis Manaster-Ramer, I have already responded to and sent to the LINGUIST list, under the title Nostratophobia. The other two are from Helge Dyvik and Sally Thomason, and I am grateful for their attention. My response. First to Helge: if it seems I am trying to "dismiss the whole methodological discussion as meaningless" I demur; that is not my intention. I am, nevertheless, primarily a grammarian as a scholar, and I believe that when I do linguistic history I write a grammar of a protolanguage, just as when I do descriptive linguistics via field work or textual research, I write a grammar of that language based on the data I can discover. Second, Sally. Thanks you for your kind words, I am glad you have been enjoying the discussion. I regret having evidently been too hasty in stating without elaboration, "Words may be borrowed, structures no", so I owe Sally and the rest of you further explanation. I do make that assertion, and in fact I believe it to be the principle that makes historical linguistics possible. What can be borrowed must be something that can be heard, and what one hears are utterances, words and strings: structure, on the other hand, cannot be heard but must be deduced, whether by linguist or language learner. So strictly speaking, structure cannot be borrowed, in principle. This is not to deny that languages can be learned, and when they are, as we all know, the learner proceeds to reconstruct a mental grammar which will bear some resemblance to the model. The question is, to what extent is such borrowing possible, and the answer from experience seems to be, not to a very great extent, although naturally one must pursue each individual case in detail, and some of them will involve what appear to be borrowed structures. The facts I have discussed, however, show why Meillet -- and many of we his followers -- believes that "structural" correspondences are more likely to be probative than resemblances in vocabulary. Clearly the crucial question in comparing languages, which I have been reiterating (also Meillet's point, and not mine) is that one must meticulously distinguish similarities which result from borrowing from those which are retentions from a protolanguage. I have argued that the way to do this is to set out to write a grammar of the protolanguage. I hope this makes sense! It should be clear that I am not trying to create controversy, only to understand the principles of comparative grammar as we have inherited them. Yours, KarlMail to author|Respond to list|Read more issues|LINGUIST home page|Top of issue