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Dear netters, On May 6, 1994, I posted the following query on _Linguist_: Consider the sentence (1) My interests include swimming, reading and playing chess. 3 NPs are conjoined by 'and'. Consider another example which is unacceptable: (2) * My interests include swimming, reading and to play chess. Why is 'to play chess' not allowed in this nominal slot, considering the fact that it can function as a nominal in the subject position: (3) To play chess is what I want now. and in the complement position: (4) His only pastime is to play chess. I am having the notion of 'to-infinitive nominal clause' (Quirk and Greenbaum 1973) in mind when positing this problematic case. Can anyone explain the above unacceptability using a non-GB framework? After reading the replies, I hereby summarize the points into several aspects: A. Difference between the -ing VP and the to-VP Various tests show that the gerund is more 'nominal' than the to-infinitive, although they can both occur in certain slots expected to be filled by nominal elements. Pauline Jacobson wrote: "there are environments in which NPs can occur and in which infinitives cannot; the reverse is also the case, and so the conclusion would seem to be that infinitives are not NPs." She gave the examples: (5) a. *I dislike to eat meat. b. I dislike the meal. A true NP must be one which can be the verbal complement of 'dislike'. Moreover, as noted by Pauline, infintives (ans also full CPs) cannot occur as PP complements, while ordinary NPs and gerunds can: (6) a. *You can rely on to win. b. You can rely on the victory. c. You can rely on winning. Pauline also scrutinized the copular constructions of (3) and (4). She pointed out that "the two constituents in a copular sentence do not need to be of the same category", and therefore (3) can (4) cannot be strong evidence which proves that the to-infinitive 'to play chess' is a nominal element. Both Pauline and Boundary (ID I4e/r3h3umEYiW3b8wgf4A) use the example below to illustrate that non-NP constituents can occur around the copular: (7) Under the bed is a good place to hide. Although 'under the bed' can be moved to the postcopular position, as in the case of (4), it does not mean that precopular and postcopular constituents will be exactly identical semantico-syntactically, as Kiyoshi Ishikawa pointed out. Boundary used (7) to show that 'To play chess' in (3) "is not necessarily the subject". Even if it is the subject, it is still not a nominal, as other categories can also occur there (Yehuda N. Falk). To reiterate, the -ing constituents are more 'nominal' than the to-infinitive (Peter-Arno Coppen). Nigel Love used 'verbal noun' and 'deverbal noun' to talk about the the examples of my own. He stated that "the -ing form is not so much a verbal noun (i.e. gerund) as a deverbal noun, ...", and went on with the following examples to illustrate the difference in behaviour for verbal and deverbal nouns: (8) I like collecting stamps (verbal noun; replaceable by the infinitive) (9) I like stamp-collecting (deverbal noun; replaceable by any other normal noun, e.g. "philately") "Swimming" and "reading" in my examples belong to both verbal and deverbal noun categories. If they are more to the deverbal side, they may not be allowed to be conjoined with the to-VP 'to play chess' then. B. Coordination constraints Some respondents concentrated on the constraints for a coordinated structure. Guy Modica wrote: "Conjunctions such as 'and' require that the conjuncts be of the same phrasal class....When you have two gerunds...conjoined with an infinitive, we sense it to be ungrammatical....The crucial point is not the class of an offending conjunct, but a restriction on what a conjunction can conjoin." Quite opposite to Guy, Kiyoshi Ishikawa wrote: "It's wrong to require categorical identity of conjuncts in the first place,..." He used Sag et al. (1984)'s example to illustrate a coordination of 2 non-identical constituents: (10) John is a Republican and proud of it.e Pauline Jacobson wrote: "The basic generalization though, ...is that two constituents of different categories may conjoin just in case they are in an environment where both are possible." Thus her examples: (11) ?My favorite pastimes are swimming and to play chess. (12) a. My favorite pasttime is swimming. b. My favorite pasttime is to play chess. My example (2), then, is bad because 'to play chess' cannot occur in the context of (12b) if the main verb is changed to 'include' (see C below). Some respondents cited some awkward but acceptable examples to illustrate that coordination of non-identical constituents is possible. Michael Kac's example: (13) ?I like hiking, golfing and to swim. However, John Nerbonne thought that (14) is unacceptable: (14) *I like swimming and to read. Interestingly, Marit Julien stated that the kind of construction in my example (2) is perfectly acceptable in Norwegian -- "an infinitive is allowed in any nominal slot, in a fashion parallel to the nominalisations in -ing". Thus, Marit thought that the restriction governing the coordination in (2) must be "particular to English". C. Complementation of 'include' Some respondents stated that my problem concerns *solely* with the requirements of its complement by the verb 'include'. In other words, it is not a problem of coordination constraints, as the example below (cited by many of the respondents) shows: (15) *My interests include to play chess. This example shows that it is 'include' which requires an NP complement (although Boundary was skeptical about the NP status of "playing chess") rather than a to-VP complement. Boundary wrote: "I think the answer probably has to do with the fact that coordinate phrases have to share certain features (in the sense of syntactic features in lexicalist syntax) which are required by the verb (or whatever) that selects them, or by the syntactic position in which they appear." He said that since, for example, 'is' can take virtually any category as its complement, the conjoined structure involving 'and' among different categories is possible in the complement slot after 'is'. Kiyoshi Ishikawa made a generalization concerning this: "...each conjunct has to respect the subcategorization information imposed in the coordinated mother....the verb imposes some requirement in its complement which is compatible with 'playing chess' but not with 'to play chess' (...but I think...this requirement is semantic)." D. Rhetoric consideration One respondent, John Cowan, said that even if my example (2) and example (15) were acceptable, "(2) would be ruled out on rhetorical grounds by the rule 'Match parts!'. This rule requires formal similarity between the elements of an expressed or implied conjunction." This is what I had in mind when I made up my query -- I was advising people to 'keep the grammatical categories the same when writing the hobbies on your re'sume''. To sum up again, the very different syntactic behaviours of VP-ing and to-VP constituents, possibility of coordination of non-identical categories, the subcategorization requirement for the complement of 'include' and, with minor importance, rhetorical consideration, come together to form the full picture. Many thanks to the respondents again: Loren Allen Billings 'Boundary' Peter-Arno Coppen John Cowan Yehuda N. Falk Dick Hudson Kiyoshi Ishikawa Pauline Jacobson Marit Julien Michael Kac Chuah Choy Kim John Lawler Nigel Love Guy Modica John Nerbonne Some of them have provided me with many references possibly related to coordination. If anybody is interested please email me and I will give him/her the titles.Mail to author|Respond to list|Read more issues|LINGUIST home page|Top of issue