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I appreciate Vicki Fromkin's thoughtful comments on where linguistics has been making progress in establishing its legitimacy, such as with respect to neuroscience. There can be no doubt that the linguistics/neuroscience connection provides one of the most exciting areas of progress in the field. I also appreciate her tireless efforts to promote the field, including the development of the linguistics section of the AAAS. (I've not yet gotten around to joining--I will now, and I hope many other readers of the net will too.) However, there are many statements in Fromkin's post that are contentious and require an answer. > Re the Pyscholoquy book review -- do YOU believe language understanding > is primarily about underlying conceptual structures? If you do then you > would go along with this `linguist bashing'. Why is disagreement with modularism necessarily an attack on linguistics? That makes sense only if being a linguist automatically means agreeing with the tenets of the Chomskyan school. But Fromkin later states: > Re the fable -- this is more Chomsky bashing than linguist bashing, and > if you change the name of the 'Linguesses' to 'chomskyites' or 'Mitniks', > this could be a fable written by those 'anti-chomsky' linguists who put > up straw men and then knock them down. How can Fromkin suggest in one breath that disagreement with the modularist position implies linguist bashing, and then proceed in the above quote to distinguish 'Chomskyites' from 'anti-chomsky' linguists? If both opinions exist in the field, an attack on one does not constitute an attack on the field. > I would expect this view from those who do not understand the nature of > language but think they do. As a scientist, I would say that none of us "understand the nature of language"--but each of us has some working hypotheses about how language works and how it fits into the bigger picture. The same goes for neuroscientists: in a recent issue of _Cognitive Neuroscience_, Randy Gallistel, a professor of psychology at UCLA states that, "We clearly do not understand how the nervous system computes. We do not know what are the foundations of its ability to compute." Any of us who think we REALLY have an adequate understanding of the nature of language--much less its neural instantiation--are quite possibly confusing working hypotheses with absolute (hence unrevisable) knowledge. > Obviously, understanding conceptual structures is necessary, but not > sufficient, for understanding language, and, as much research of brain > damaged patients, savants etc. shows, there can be a dissociation between > understanding language structures and conceptual structures. [A list of examples follows] One of the greatest banes to useful debate occurs when one insists in framing the debate in one's own terms. Fromkin implicitly treats linguistic structure as being a distinct ontological entity from "conceptual structure", terminology which presupposes her own position. Of course, linguistic structure is distinct from conceptual structure if by 'conceptual structure' one means concepts which exist independently of language. But this is a fairly minor point. Much more important is the fact that none of the cases Fromkin cites really provides a clean, clear-cut proof of the point she is trying to make. There is a lot of interpretation under the surface. For example, Fromkin cites cases of people with "impaired language but preserved conceptual structure", or "preserved language but impaired conceptual structure". Such formulations presuppose that conceptual structure is some monolithic entity, either preserved or damaged _en bloc_. Typical of the studies I have seen is a methodology which assesses "preservation of conceptual structure" in the clinical sense of still being able to function reasonably normally. But typically what we get is a much more complicated picture in which some conceptual abilities are impaired along with (or independently of) language. The question then arises: what is a result of accidental patterns (say of brain damage) and what is an effect of underlying associations? It is very easy to discount data as irrelevant when advancing one's own point of view. For instance, Fromkin has cited Williams Syndrome a number of times on LINGUIST, claiming it provides a clear example of her thesis. But as Bellugi has discovered, Williams Syndrome children have deficits in spatial cognition too--more subtle than the linguistic deficits, but present nonetheless. In the absence of a theory of how the brain processes spatial concepts, it is highly misleading to assume that such "minor" spatial deficits have nothing to do with cooccuring language deficits and need not be discussed in linguistic debate ... Another, basic, point has to do with the distinction between EXPLAINING THE CAUSAL BASIS FOR LINGUISTIC COMPETENCE and EXPLAINING THE PROCESS OF LINGUSTIC PERFORMANCE. I think there's plenty of evidence that our linguistic performance is an ability relatively independent of higher mental processes. But so is our ability to drive a car, which not only is independent of higher mental processes but is clearly functionally segregated from other sensory and motor activities such as smoking a cigarette or watching the scenery. It does not follow that car-driving is an innate ability independent of other mental processes. In the same way, I would argue, we can admit the existence of abilities (even learned abilities) that are functionally distinct and even differentially affected by brain damage. Why? Because an ability can depend on a specific TYPE of neuronal structure, without using the same SPECIFIC nerve cells as another ability of the same type. In other words, I am making the following argument: 1. an ability may be important enough to be processed automatically--meaning that it gets neurons dedicated to it--whether it is learned or innate. 2. An ability may be performed by specific parts of the brain for reasons of computational efficiency, even if that part of the brain is not specifically designed for that function. 3. It is therefore possible for a learned (that is, not specifically innnate) ability to have its own, dedicated neural substrate. Its distribution in the brain would depend on its functional requirements; its independence from other abilities (even those using the same underlying computational abilities) would derive from its functional need for speed of computation. And of course, something as complex as language is going to be all over the map--no other ability is likely to use the same exact configuration of brain regions, even if language were 100% a learned skill (which I doubt). So Fromkin's use of the word "Obviously" in the quote given above is rather contentious. To accept it we have to assume a lot of things other than the clinical facts she cites. > Whatever one thinks of Chomsky's work, linguists should be grateful > that he has probably done more to gain the respect of the non-linguist > world --both scientific, despite the AI view above, and general public. There is no question Chomsky has had a huge impact. That impact includes forcing a hearing for views that were then (and today probably still are) unpopular outside linguistics. But with that hearing comes a high profile and a lot of fire. That's fine. But I don't like being shot at because opponents outside linguistics equate "Linguist" with "Chomskyan". I think Fromkin is being a bit sanguine, though, when she states that linguistics is making headway _in general_ as a legitimate field of enquiry. At the linguistics/neuroscience junction where her research is focused, that is probably correct. (Though I should note that her list of people making an impact on neuroscience--Pinker, Jackendoff, Bellugi--rather noticeably does not include anybody doing current GB syntax. I find Pinker, Jackendoff and Bellugi's work highly useful, too, even where I disagree with underlying assumptions. I think their impact has some connection with the nature of their research, which is highly interdisciplinary as well as being informed by linguistic theory. However, I am a lot less sanguine about linguistic's reception in the humanities and social sciences (where most of us are administratively housed). A lot of English and English education scholars appear to view transformational syntax with less than great enthusiasm. (In the early '70s they tried to use transformational grammar instead of traditional grammar in the secondary schools. That fiasco may have influenced a lot of attitudes negatively.) And much of the social sciences and humanities are imbued with deconstructionist views based ultimately on rather flawed theories of language--a point of view which may make their reception of theoretical linguistics less than enthusiastic. None of this may be our FAULT (in the sense of reflecting on our scientific credibility) BUT if we aspire to "make it" as a hard science, while the majority of linguists depend for jobs upon academic units outside of the hard sciences, we have a lot of fence-mending to do to avoid getting targeted by those who think that our claims to scientific rigor are unjustified. That's all I have to say at this point. I would like to encourage those who posted to me privately to present their positions publicly if they can--I'd rather not post them as a summary unless I must.Mail to author|Respond to list|Read more issues|LINGUIST home page|Top of issue
I have only one question: I figured out who "Chumpsky" was, of course, and what country the kingdom of Pork was (hint: its capital is Barrel), but rack my brain as I may, I failed at guessing who "Borne" was. Does anyone know?Mail to author|Respond to list|Read more issues|LINGUIST home page|Top of issue