Editor for this issue: <>
In response to my query about whether there are languages with more velars and labials than coronals, I received some encouraging information, which is summarized below: Lance Eccles, Macquarie University (lance.ecclesMail to author|Respond to list|Read more issues|LINGUIST home page|Top of issuemq.edu.au) suggested that (some) Australian languages might have this property. And, indeed, Susan Fitzgerald, University of Victoria (susanf
sol.uvic.ca) counted the approx. 1550 entries in the Ngarluma dictionary and came up with the following: k 581 p 483 rt 264 (retroflex t) t 38 (These figures are approximate. She didn't count two common suffixes (-ku and -lku), which would have made k appear even more frequent.) She also tells me that preliminary counts by Geoff O'Grady for small samples of four other Australian languages gave similar results, although of the size of the sample may make these less than certain. Don Churma, Ball State (00DGCHURMA
bsuvc.bsu.edu) suggested that the total absence of coronal stops in Hawaiian would in itself constitute an example, but I am not sure that typologically it is correct to count nonoccurrence of a sound as (nearly) the same thing as low frequency, which is why I did not think Hawaiian (and Samoan) were good enough examples of what I was looking for. As to what I was looking for, I recently counted the occurrences (in initial position only) of the different stops in the Nostratic reconstructions of Illich-Svitych and came up with the fact that coronals are less frequent that labials and much less frequent than velars (Manaster Ramer, in press). At the time I thought it was a universal that coronals are always the most frequent class of stops in a language (unless they do not occur at all, as in Hawaiian or Samoan), and so I thought this might be an embarrassment for the Nostratic reconstruction. It is still not clear to me that Australian languages (where only one stop is found at each point of articulation) are a good enough parallel for Nostratic, where three phonation types (=airstream mechanisms) need to be distinguished at each point of articulation (although it is controversial what these were). But at least the frequencies I found are NOT in direct violation of a universal. So perhaps Nostratic is not all that bad a theory. Hale, Kenneth L. (1982) _Ngarluma dictionary_, MIT (computer printout)) Manaster Ramer, A. (1993) On Illi~-Svity~'s Nostratic Theory. Studies in Language 17: 205-249. Manaster Ramer, A. (in press) A "glottalic theory" of Nostratic. In: Vitaly Shevoroshkin (ed.) Studies on Nostratic. Bochum: Brockmeyer. Manaster Ramer, A. (in preparation) Nostratic, an outsider's view. Nostratic: Evidence and Status (eds. Brian Joseph and Joe Salmons). John Benjamins.
Some time ago (5.482), I posted a query regarding constraints on relative clauses across languages. I was particularly interested to see if -- as I expected -- any constraints on the role of the coindexed noun in the subordinate clause are independent of the role of the head noun in the matrix. In other words, I was looking for confirmation of the non-existence of a particular type of language (not an easy task!). No such language has come to light, but I would like to thank the following people for kindly replying, and commenting on my request: Hubert Truckenbrodt, Kevin Donelly, Mihiko Kubota, Dave Britain and Alan Hyun-Oak Kim. Following on from this request, I would like to pose another question and try to give a brief summary of my reasons for asking. (As a footnote, if anyone who is interested is going to be at the LAGB meeting in September, I will be talking about this stuff then.) The question, simply put is: *** Are there any languages in which the available types of FREE *** RELATIVES (also known as 'nominal' or 'headless' relatives) is more or *** less constrained dependent on the grammatical function of the relative *** in the matrix? (Where "type" refers to the position of the trace in *** the relative clause.) An exemplifying language might, for example, have the following sort of grammaticality pattern: Example Matrix Func. Relative Type [Who likes me] is well known. S S * [Who I like] is well known. S O John hates [who likes me]. O S John hates [who I like]. O O (This hypothetical language allows object free-relatives only in object position.) OK, so why do I want to know? Well, I'm particularly interested in where the adaptive link between function and cross-linguistic universal breaks down. I hypothesise that these limits on the adaptability of language are imposed by innate meta-constraints on acquisition. (This approach, therefore, relies both on functional and innatist explanations for universals.) One such example is provided by relative clause data: several psycholinguistic studies of relative clauses suggest at least two factors determining the ease of processing --- accessibility and parallel function. The former is well known from cross-linguistic studies (eg. by Keenan and Comrie). The latter one refers to the function of the RC in the matrix. Any such constraint on relatives that is dependent on their function in the matrix is inexpressible in the current innatist grammatical theory. This explains why parallel function does not show up in grammars, whereas accessibility does. Any FREE-relative data would shed further light on the matter, since it is not so clear that there is an expressibility constraint for these sorts of relatives. Anyway, thank you for any help, and sorry for the delay in replying, Simon Kirby (simonMail to author|Respond to list|Read more issues|LINGUIST home page|Top of issueling.ed.ac.uk) Department of Linguistics University of Edinburgh
Some time ago I asked for examples of languages with a word denoting the two hands held together. I have since found out that there are several examples in Dravidian (see Burrow and Emeneau's Dravidian Etymological Dictionary), some in Uralic (see Redei's Uralisches Etymologisches Worterbuch), and in Sanskrit.Mail to author|Respond to list|Read more issues|LINGUIST home page|Top of issue
Many thanks to all those who responded to my question about FTP sites for IT and Shoebox. Here is the response I got from SIL's Evan L. Antworth (evan.antworthMail to author|Respond to list|Read more issues|LINGUIST home page|Top of issueSIL.ORG): >IT and Shoebox, as well as other SIL software is available by anonymous FTP >from our own site, sil.org [198.213.4.1]. When you connect, I suggest you >get the files 00readme.txt and 00index.txt first. > >Macintosh IT is available on our FTP site. However, there is no Mac version >of Shoebox. There is a program called MacLex which manages lexicon files. >However, I have not seriously tried to use it, and my initial impression is >that it is a bit quirky. Also, it is only author-supported; i.e. it is not >supported by SIL. > >If you have not discovered Conc, our Macintosh concordance program, I urge >you to get it and try it. By far it's our most widely-used Mac program. Randy LaPolla Institute of History and Philology Academia Sinica