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Two weeks ago, I made an inquiry about how differences between North American and IPA transcription systems developed, with particular reference to why the IPA does not use the hacek-series for palatoalveolar consonants, but instead uses the made-up characters long-s (instead of s-hacek) and yogh (instead of z-hacek). I'd like to thank all those who responded. I think this list is complete, but if not, I apologize to anyone that I inadvertently left out: Lance Eccles (Lance.EcclesMail to author|Respond to list|Read more issues|LINGUIST home page|Top of issuemq.edu.au) Jane A. Edwards (edwards
cogsci.Berkeley.EDU) Paul Fallon (pfallon
s850.mwc.edu) FRANKE INGOLF (FRAN2801
pcmail.uni-trier.de) Michael Job (job
Papin.HRZ.Uni-Marburg.DE) Michael Kac (kac
cs.umn.edu) Fred Karlsson (fkarlsso
ling.helsinki.fi) Peter Ladefoged (IDU0PNL
MVS.OAC.UCLA.EDU) Nigel Love (NLOVE
beattie.uct.ac.za) Geoffrey S. Nathan (geoffn
siu.edu) Henry Rogers (rogers
epas.utoronto.ca) Anton Sherwood (dasher
netcom.com) Frits Stuurman (stuurman
MIT.EDU) Alfredo Torrejon (torreal
mail.auburn.edu) Larry Trask (larryt
cogs.susx.ac.uk) Allan C Wechsler (Wechsler
world.std.com) The following references were provided: International Phonetic Association. 1949. The principles of the International Phonetic Association. London: International Phonetic Association. [Reprinted in 1984]. )>This provides the basic principles of the IPA, but no details )>about how particular choices were made. Pullum, Geoffrey K. and William A. Ladusaw. 1986. Phonetic Symbol Guide.Chicago UP, Chicago. )>This has some interesting discussion of how some choices )>were made, & I'll discuss below the hacek question. And additional references that I haven't looked up yet: Albright, R. W. 1958. The International PHonetic Alphabet. IJAL Publication 7, Indian U. Research Center in Anthropology, Folklore, and Linguistics. Bloomington. Pitman, James and John St. John. 1969. Alphabets and reading. New York: Pitman Publishing. Lautzeichen und ihre Anwendung in verschiedenen Sprachgebieten. Von Fachgelehrten zusammengestellt unter Schriftleitung von Martin Heepe. Nachdruck mit einem einleitenden Kapitel herausgegeben von Elmar Ternes. Forum Phoneticum 27. Helmut Buske Verlag Hamburg. 1983. Hention, Caroline (1988). "Individual symbols and diacritics", Journal of the International Phonetic Association 18.85-94. Now, as for the hacek question. Pullum & Ladusaw report that the hacek-series seems to have been adopted by North Americans explicitly because it was easy to adapt to typing, which has been an explicit concern of North American linguists for most of the 20th Century, but NOT a concern of the IPA. In contrast, the IPA has a basic principle that diacritics should be avoided for basic phonemic contrasts, unless using a diacritic allows us to avoid making a whole new series of symbols (such as aspiration in stops, nasalization in vowels, dentals vs. alveolars, etc.). Since the hacek is a diacritic, it was avoided, and so the long-s and yogh symbols were pressed into service. This explanation of the IPA avoidance of the hacek series is pretty weak, in my opinion, on several counts. First, the IPA has never consistently avoided diacritics, as with the clause about using diacritics if they allow us to avoid a whole series of new symbols. In practice, the IPA has been VERY inconsistent. For reasons of tradition WITHIN WESTERN EUROPEAN ROMAN-BASED ORTHOGRAPHIC SYSTEMS, separate symbols are used for voiceless vs. voiced obstruents, but diacritics are used for aspirated, breathy voiced, and laryngealized obstruents. A diacritic is used for ejectives, but a new series of symbols was created for implosives. Dentals are distinguished from alveolars via a diacritic, but retroflexes are given a series of new symbols. In fact, use of diacritic vs. symbol, at least in the current IPA is a haphazard affair, and one which is difficult to justify on any grounds other than tradition. Second, it's not totally clear that the hacek is a diacritic. Until 2 weeks ago, it had never occurred to me. I thought that the hacek was a part of the base character (much as the hooks of the IPA retroflex series, angma, etc., are a part of the base character). Perhaps this partly derives from the fact that I learned these characters first as letters in Slavic languages. I tell my students that s-hacek, z-hacek, and c-hacek are traditional letters (and illustrate them with my first name (z-hacek), my last name (s-hacek), and my grandmother's name (c-hacek)). I tell them that j-hacek was created by analogy. No student has ever found this odd, though of course using a diacritic by analogy would be strange. And I don't think that it's just me. This "diacritic" is never explicitly defined anywhere (making it unique among diacritics). It is limited to EXACTLY four characters: s-hacek, z-hacek, c-hacek, j-hacek. Suppose that we assume that this "diacritic" means "palatoalveolar". That means that it should be usable for marking allophonic palatoalveolarness, in e.g. the /n/ in STRANGE and the /l/ in FILCH. But I've never seen that; & if anyone wrote them that way, I doubt that anyone would understand it. Further, some North Americans have actually used a "wedge" diacritic (identical in form to the hacek) to denote a flap/tap: so Smalley (1973: Manual of Articulatory Phonetics) uses n-wedge for an alveolar nasal tap --- even though c-wedge is a palatoalveolar affricate. Clearly, Smalley & others did not view the hacek as a diacritic, but a part of the basic character. I think that the real reason lies elsewhere. Several respondents noted that the IPA was guided especially by Western Europeans. And since Western European languages do not have any native symbols that uniquely denote palatoalveolars, they created new ones. Slavic languages, found only in Eastern Europe, were simply not considered an interesting source for symbols for the IPA. I have always wondered whether there this was an actively racist decision, based on widespread Western European prejudices against Slavs (especially rampant & overt at the time at which the IPA was originally set). Peter Ladefoged doubts that this was the case: "I don't know of any early discussions that could be called racist. Passy and other founders of the IPA were markedly left-wing." It appears that things were more subtle: The Western Europeans who adopted the IPA did not actively reject the Slavic characters, so much as ignore them. I find it EXTREMELY unlikely that the current IPA symbols would have been adopted had the hacek-series been standard orthographic symbols for palatoalveolars in English, French, and German. I also find it unlikely that Slavic members of the International Phonetic Association are opposed to changing the symbols to the hacek-series. In his e-mail message, Peter Ladefoged mentioned another dimension to this issue: "40 years ago there was more an anti-American feeling. In Europe, where phonetics was very firmly established with chairs of phonetics, etc, as opposed to America where there was not a single person with the title Professor of Phonetics, use of hacek was viewed as just another case of isolationist America refusing to accept international conventions. I suspect that some of that is still there, accounting for the recent IPA vote against the use of hacek." This WesternEuropean vs. NorthAmerican divide is, of course, widespread on both sides of the Atlantic. I would like to note that North American practice is ALSO international, since Canadians tend to follow U.S. practice. We have a clash of two opposing INTERNATIONAL conventions, and whether it is North Americans or Western Europeans who should be viewed as recalcitrant or provincial is not an easily answered question. Well, that was a long message! But it summarizes what I've been able to find out. And my own opinions, of course. As far as I can tell, there is not now, and never has been, any principled reason why the IPA does not use the hacek-series. The IPA adopted long-s and yogh because the hacek-series was not a part of WESTERN EUROPEAN tradition. The International Phonetic Association refuses to adopt the hacek series out of a sense of tradition ("we've never used them") and, probably, annoyance with North Americans for insisting on using them. It would be nice if Western Europeans and North Americans could get together & adopt a joint standard. We North Americans have, over the decades, drifted towards IPA usage for many symbols. But we are unwilling to give up the hacek-series, our retroflex symbols, and our symbol for the palatal nasal. With some compromises, drawing symbols from both continents, we could end the current confusion of multiple transcription practices. But BOTH SIDES need to compromise. Until then, perhaps we should rename the IPA so that its name more accurately reflects its status: WERPA, the Western European Roman Phonetic Alphabet. Incitefully (though perhaps NOT insightfully), ---Joe Stemberger University of Minnesota
A couple of months ago, I posted a call for literature on American stereotyping of foreign languages on behalf of Sally Keyel, a student at the University of Wisconsin-Milwaukee, who is not on e-mail. Here is her response. In regard to my request for literature about American stereotyping of foreign languages (how Americans portray Indians and Asian people speaking), there was some interest expressed in the responses. These were the suggested items: - Elizabeth Traugott's _Linguistics for students of literature_ - some books from the l930-s and l940-s with titles like _Handbook of dialects_ (which would have been very interesting but I could not find them) - a paper by Larry Rosenwald entitled "American literature and multilingual America" - a paper by Brian Joseph, Rich Janda, and Neil Jacobs on "hyperforeigni- zation" - Richard Bailey's _Images of English_ - Julie Tetel Andresen's _Linguistics in America_ - Peter Muelhausler's "Stereotype foreigner talk in German literature" (in Joshua Fishman et al, eds., _The Fergusonian impact_, volume 2: _Sociolinguistics and the sociology of language_); - "Speech pattern ratings for unintelligibility, accentedness, and avoidance" by Joann Fokes and Z.S. Bond at Ohio University Thank you to everyone who responded! Sally Keyel Department of Linguistics University of Wisconsin-MilwaukeeMail to author|Respond to list|Read more issues|LINGUIST home page|Top of issue