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(This posting was prepared jointly with James Crawford, a Washington D.C.-based journalist who has been following the English-only issue for a number of years. Crawford can be reached at 73261.1120Mail to author|Respond to list|Read more issues|LINGUIST home page|Top of issuecompuserve.com.) The Subcommittee on Early Childhood, Youth, and Families of the House Economic and Educational Opportunities Committee announced last week that they would be holding hearings on October 18 and November 1 on several "official English" bills. The major bills under consideration are as follows: ***The Emerson bill (H. R. 123) has 180+ sponsors. It makes English the official language of government and says that the government shall have "an affirmative obligation" to "preserve and enhance" this role. Exceptions are made only for the teaching of foreign languages, for actions necessary for public health and international relations and foreign trade, for actions to protect the rights of criminal defendents, and for the use of "terms of art" from languages other than English. This bill is identical to Senate bill S. 356 (the Shelby bill, which has 19 sponsors), now pending in the Governmental Affairs Committee. Hearings on the Shelby bill have not been scheduled. ***The Roth bill (H. R. 739) has 80+ sponsors. It is roughly similar to the Emerson bill in pronouncing English the language of government, but contains fewer exceptions. It also explicitly repeals Title VII of the Elementary and Secondary Education Act of 1965, which provides for bilingual education, and the sections of the 1965 Voting Rights act that provide for bilingual ballots in jurisdictions with substantial non-English-speaking populations. It gives broad standing to sue for enforcement of the act and provides that a party that prevails in such a case shall be entitled to recover attorney's fees -- a provision that would permit groups like US English to function as subsidized enforcers of the act. ***The King bill (H.R. 1005) has around 35 sponsors. It is still more restrictive in its exceptions -- it makes allowances only for religious purposes and training in foreign languages and makes no exceptions for international relations and foreign trade, for interpreters for criminal defendants, or for public health programs. It is even more sweeping than the Roth bill in its termination of bilingual education programs and bilingual ballots. It also instructs the Department of Education to "recapture unexpended funds" awarded to schools under the Bilingual Education Act and to use them for English-only instructional programs. None of the bills makes funds directly available for the teaching of English, though the Emerson bill directs that " any monetary savings derived from the enactment of this Act should be used for the teaching of non-English speaking immigrants the English language," which is more a wish than an appropriation. This despite the fact that there are long waiting lists for ESL courses in most cities -- around 50,000 people in Los Angeles alone, for example. Readers who want to see the full texts of these bills can find them at any of the GPO Access sites, for example at UNCLIB.LIB.UNC.EDU. Log in as "Library." PROSPECTS FOR PASSAGE: It is extremely likely that at least one of these bills will be passed out of committee -- probably the Emerson bill, though a number of official-English advocates have complained that this measure is too wishy-washy, and given the recent House propensity for passing strong measures, either the Roth bill or the King bill might be passed on as well. It is also likely that one of these bills will be passed by the house, since most of the current leadership (including Gingrich, Armey, and DeLay) have cosponsored such bills in the past. Senate passage is less certain, since similar measures have been opposed in the past by some western Republicans (e.g., Hatch, McCain, and Domenici) but here too the odds favor the official-English side. Official English has been endorsed by most of the current Republican presidential candidates, including most recently Sen. Dole. President Clinton has announced his opposition to the measures (he admits to having made a mistake as Governor of Arkansas in signing an English-only bill some years ago), but it is not known whether he would veto them if passed. EFFECTS OF THE BILLS: The effects of the measures depend of course on which of them is passed and on how they are interpreted by the courts. Both the Roth and King bills would effectively end bilingual education programs in this country and eliminate the use of bilingual ballots. The Emerson-Shelby bill says nothing about terminating bilingual education as such, but courts might interpret it to this effect, since it can be argued that the explicit exception for the "teaching of foreign languages" implies a choice not to exempt other kinds of programs aimed at reviving indigenous languages, say, or at using foreign languages in the course of teaching English. (Notably, this version of the Emerson-Shelby bill is missing language that was present in the versions presented in the last two Congresses, which made exception for "purely informational and educational" actions and documents.) In addition, all of the bills would probably have the effect of terminating or severely restricting the provision of public information in languages other than English -- whether in the form of a Department of Agriculture bulletin on pesticide use, a Department of Education pamphlet on special education programs, an INS publication on citizenship programs, or an ICC advisory on the interstate shipment of meat. They would prohibit a government insurance adjuster from using Spanish to talk to citizens about claims, and could be used to deny a legislator funds to hire a Spanish- or Chinese-speaking staff person to deal with constitutents (these latter two situations figured in the recent appeal of a similar measure in Arizona, originally granted but now under reconsideration by the Ninth Circuit Court). Strictly interpreted, some of the bills would even prohibit the Department of Commerce from publishing pamphlets in German or Japanese to encourage foreign investment. Some of these effects may sound extreme, but as one observer noted in connection with the Contract with America program, it would be a big mistake to assume that common sense will somehow prevail. One other point of particular concern to linguists: if enacted, these measures would probably supersede older laws already on the books, potentially including the Native American Languages Act. Native Americans have not been a principal target of the U. S. English group (though this act has been attacked by some other members of the English-only lobby like the smaller English First group). The consequences for Native Americans are hard to assess. At one point the U. S. English group suggested that some language protection could still be provided for those who live on reservations, but not for those who do not, but it is not clear if this is still their view. (By the way, virtually nothing has been said in these debates about the status of ASL -- few legislators and official-English advocates are even aware that ASL is a different language from English -- but it is at least conceivable that the bills could be invoked in this context as well.) The bills would also have important symbolic effects, particularly in the current anti-immigrant climate. They would send that message that current immigrants are unwilling to participate in the larger community and have to be coerced to learn English, despite the overwhelming evidence to the contrary. (This is indeed an explicit goal of the authors; for example in introducing his bill Rep. Pete King (R-NY) cited the need to counter the effects of "social engineers in Washington [who] have actually been encouraging people not to learn English" and have caused us to spend billions of dollars on bilingual education.) And in the course of things, the bills would surely encourage resentment and hostility towards speakers of foreign languages -- the sort of thing that has led to a spate of "English-only" workplace rules, or to the recent order by a Texas judge in a custody case requiring a Mexican-American mother to use English in talking to her daughter. RESPONDING TO THE BILLS: The LSA has made known its opposition to official language measures in its overwhelming adoption of a resolution passed in 1988, an opposition confirmed by subsequent resolutions and by numerous actions of the Executive Committee. In response to the announcement of hearings, the LSA Secretariat, in consultation with the Committee on Social and Political Concerns, has been working with other groups (such as the Joint National Committee on Languages) to arrange to provide testimony on the various bills in committee. It is not clear at this point whether the House Committee will allow public testimony from any opponents of the bills apart from other members of Congress, but it is likely that they will accept written testimony, and to this end the Committee on Social and Political Concerns has been completing the statement on language rights authorized by the membership at the last annual meeting. This statement is being drafted by Peter Tiersma of the Loyola Law School (LA) in consultation with the SPC Committee and others, and once it has been approved by the Executive Committee it will be offered by the LSA to the House Committee. A copy of the final statement will be posted to the Linguist List. For practical reasons, the LINGUIST list has made it a policy not to run explicit appeals for political action. Linguists who want more information will find the full text of this message, together with the names and addresses of members of the relevant House and Senate committees, at http://www-csli.stanford.edu/users/nunberg/bill.html - ------------------------------------ Geoffrey Nunberg Xerox PARC 3333 Coyote Hill Road Palo Alto, CA 94304 ph: 415-812-4711 fax: 415-812-4777 nunberg
parc.xerox.com