Editor for this issue: Annemarie Valdez <avaldez
emunix.emich.edu>
On Tue, 17 Oct 1995, warunoMail to author|Respond to list|Read more issues|LINGUIST home page|Top of issueparadox.rz-berlin.mpg.de (Waruno Mahdi) wrote: > on what you mean by prescription. A language has many dialects, and > for me, even Melanesian Tok Pisisn ("Talk Pidgin" = Pidgin talk) is > a dialect My Tok Pisin teacher (yes, I had one at one time!) said that the name Tok Pisin means/comes from "business talk". This is certainly plausible considering it developed largely between groups who had to do business together but did not share a common language. Mike MacKenzie mmackenz
indiana.edu
To Linguist(s): The thread about prescriptivism, and especially Benji Wald's and Waruno Mahdi's contributions of 17 October, tempt me to inject 2 quandaries I've been facing (or avoiding) in my current study of bilingualism. (They also crop up in Intro courses and I'm not real happy with how I handle them there either.) I. We're trying to describe the range of the speech we observe in Hispanic children in various demographic subgroupings in Miami. (The bulk of them are from families that originated in the Caribbean Basin). Since we're working in a school- based language assessment project, I think we're pretty justified taking a prescriptivist stance, but I'd like to avoid being completely retro if possible. It seems so logical to compare our speakers' behavior with that of speakers in monolingual contexts. I don't see how else we will have a reference point to describe say the range of tenses or expressions of modality, or whatever that the children make use of? (at least judging from what they produce in extended discourse.) But I'm also sympathetic when our bilingual research assistants protest indignantly--what makes monolinguals' Spanish "more Spanish" than theirs? Waruno's posting hinted at a place in the dynamic of language change for an "out-group," but aside from Silva- Corvala'n's work on LA Spanish and some work by John Lipski, I don't know of too much else in the way of specific references in this area. II. Then, too, I'm troubled by a notion that "having more distinctions" is generally better. I'm sure I don't have enough math understanding to appreciate it fully, but I have this sense of an equilibrium between a pressure for more "ready-made" distinctions (lexical items and grammaticalized units of information) and a pressure for economy in the number of distinct units (that need learning). If you have more ready-made units, you spend less mental energy creating and understanding compounds or vice versa. And I have this faith in the mathematical properties of things that all languages probably hover around some idealized intersection of the two pressures, some higher on one or the other side of the equation, but both essentially paying the same piper the same amount. (Is this Zipf? or Talmy? or something I inherited from my AI teacher?) IF anything like this obtains, what can we make of having "fewer distinctions" in one's dialect, but that there's greater computational effort somewhere else in that system-- *OR* less information communicated (which plops us back into "restricted versus elaborated codes" of the bad old days). All of this is well beyond the scope of our work, but not of its underpinnings, so I'm interested both in references to experts and in the opinions of other educated amateurs as well--on one or the other of these ideas. Thanks in advance. (Will post a summary, if response warrants it.) Barbara PearsonMail to author|Respond to list|Read more issues|LINGUIST home page|Top of issue