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Testing nesting: A bibliography on the effect of self-embedding and centre- embedding on ease of processing. This bibliography reflects the joint efforts of various members of the Linguist network (listed below) and arises out of a query that I posted in early December 95. CONTRIBUTORS: Sue Blackwell Annabel Cormack Jennifer Ganger Ted Gibson Chris Golston MY QUERY!Steve Harlow Caroline Liberg John Limber Bruce Nevin !Neal Pearlmutter Colin Phillips Karin Stromswold David Wharton. I asked for information about *empirical* work on centre-embedding examples like (1). (1) The dog the stick the fire burned beat bit the cat. N1 N2 N3 V3 V2 V1 TERMINOLOGY I deliberately used the term `centre-embedding' as the term which other people have applied, but I should of course have called it `self-embedding'. In the following I shall try to distinguish the two, as CE for `centre- embedded sentence' and SE for `self-embedded sentence', though I don't actually think either concept is at all clear. Some people use `nesting' instead of `centre-embedding'. The clearest examples of unprocessable SEs are of one very specific type, like (1): object-relative inside object-relative modifying the first noun, i.e. abstractly `N1 N2 N3 V3 V2 V1'. CHOICE EXAMPLES Though I asked for publications, some people very kindly supplied relevant raw data as well: English: "The claim that the link between convection heating and the time and energy which can be saved by baking biscuits in a convection oven rather than a conventional oven is not obvious at first sight is undoubtedly true." (Annabel Cormack) Classical Greek: "Ancient Greek did possessor constructions with center-embedding as the unmarked case: [teen [tou prosoopou] phusin] the the face nature 'the nature of the face' (Plato, Politicus 257d) This happened even with two possessors (!!): [to [tees [tou ksainontos] tekhnees] ergon] the the the wool-carder art work 'the work of the art of the wool-carder' (Plato, Politicus 281a) [ta [tees [toon polloon] psykhees] ommata] the the the many souls eyes 'the eys of the souls of the many' (Plato, Sophist 254a) The data is to appear in my article `Syntax outranks phonology' (Phonology 12.3), which, however, has little to do with center-embedding. The data given here are just cannon-fodder in a paper on the syntax-phonology interface." (Chris Golston) BIBLIOGRAPHY This is presented chronologically, in the hope of giving some impression of the lean years of the 70s and 80s. I haven't seen all these references yet, so the comments should all be taken with a pinch of salt. Miller, G. & Isard, S. 1964. Some perceptual consequences of linguistic rules. Jnl of Verbal Learning & Verbal Behavior 2: 217-28. Ss tried to repeat SEs which they heard. Affected by degree of embedding. Also quotes evidence that problems set in with the stacked verbs, shown by eye-movements. Blumenthal, A. 1966. Observations with self-embedded sentences. Psychonomic Science 6, 453-4. According to Gibson (1991:171): people paraphrase SEs as though the nesting was coordination. Fodor, J. & Garrett, T. 1967. Some syntactic determinants of sentential complexity. Perception and Psychophysics 2, 289-96. The presence of a relative pronoun made the SEs easier to paraphrase. Blumenthal, A. 1967. Prompted recall of sentences. Jnl of Verbal Learning and Verbal Behavior 6, 674-6. According to Bever (1970: 295) this tells much the same story as Blumenthal 1966. Schlesinger, I. M. 1968. Sentence Structure and the Reading Process. Mouton. Various experiments in which Ss read a SE and judged its grammaticality, paraphrased it, or repeated it. Results showed that embedding as such causes difficulty *only* where the meaning is unhelpful, suggesting that we may not use a push-down store to keep track of word order, but just follow meaning in linking verbs and nouns. Fodor, J.; Garrett, M. & Bever, T. 1968. Some syntactic determinants of sentential complexity, II: Verb structure. Perception and Psycho-physics 3, 453-61. CEs are harder with SEE or LIKE as their embedded verb than with e.g. HIT or SLAP, because of the ambiguous subcategorisation. Bever, T. G. 1970. The cognitive basis for linguistic structures. In J R Hayes (ed) Cognition and the Development of Language. Wiley, 286-341. General survey, with some discussion of SEs. 338: Maybe (2) is more comprehensible than (3)? (2) The dog the destruction the wild fox produced was scaring will run away fast. (3) The dog the cat the fox was chasing was scratching was yelping. Labov, W. 1973. The place of linguistic research in American society. In E. Hamp (ed.) Themes in Linguistics: the 1970s. Mouton. Quoted (p. 101-2) in De Roeck et al (1982) - see below - as giving evidence of a `large-scale' experiment showing the acceptability of multiple CEs. Nevin, B. c. 1975. Unpublished research. "If I provided context in which the constituent propositions are separately stated antecedents, as in a story, then some naive listeners understood such sentences [as (1)] at least some of the time. (Some listeners seemed to balk on them no matter what.) <Prior story context omitted> Then the fire began to burn the stick. The stick jumped out of the fire and beat the dog. The dog turned and bit the cat. The dog the stick the fire burned beat bit the cat. My difficulty was how to produce the twice-embedded sentence with appropriate intonation. And this appears to me to provide a simple explanation for the difficulty understanding it. [.... examples omitted] One generally singles out one thing at a time--that is indeed the nature of the act of singling something out. The fact that some [SEs] are easier to understand, and the things that make them easier to understand, put that presumption [that the syntax is unprocessable] in serious question." De Roeck, A; Johnson, R; King, M.; Rosner, M.; Sampson, G. & Varile, N. 1982. A myth about center-embedding. Lingua 58, 327-40. A wonderful collection of attested examples of incredibly complex (and unreadable) syntax, full of centre-embedding - but no examples of object-relative inside object-relative. Frazier, L. 1985. Syntactic complexity. In D. Dowty; L. Karttunen & A. Zwicky (eds.) Natural Language Processing: .... CUP Quoted in Gibson (1991:169): People accept sentences of the form `N1 N2 N3 V3 V', although one V is missing. She concludes that the missing V must be V1. [Why not V2?] Bach, E.; Brown, C. & Marslen-Wilson, W. 1986. Crossed and nested dependencies in German and Dutch: a psycholinguistic study. Language and Cognitive Processes 1, 249-62. German nested dependencies (= CE) are harder to process than Dutch serial dependencies. Gibson, E. 1991. A Computational Theory of Human Linguistic Processing: Memory limitations and processing breakdown. Carnegie Mellon PhD. p. 169 quotes a pilot experiment by Howard Kurtzman which showed that our understanding of SEs crashes on V2. Thomas, J. 199?. [title not known]. MIT Masters thesis. Three studies on English directed by Ted Gibson. Gibson, E.; Thomas, J. & Babyonyshev, M. 1995. Processing center- embedded and self-embedded structures in English and Japanese. Handout for NELS presentation, Oct 30 95. Babyonyshev, M. & Gibson, E. 1995. Processing overload in Japanese. MIT Working Papers in Linguistics. "Each of these studies has a number of conditions testing a bunch of possible theories. We have found some quite interesting things: different in a number of ways from what was predicted by every theory that I know (including what was in my thesis)." (Ted Gibson) Stromswold, K; Caplan, D; Alpert, N & Rausch, S. in press. Localisation of syntactic comprehension useing PET. Brain and Language. "I've done some psycholinguistic and PET studies investigating the processing of single center-embedded sentences. The upshot of these studies are that subjects find even single center embedded sentences harder to process than right-branching sentences." NB CE, not SE, but still relevant! Stromswold is karinMail to author|Respond to list|Read more issues|LINGUIST home page|Top of issueruccs.rutgers.edu. The abstract follows: Positron Emission Tomography (PET) was used to determine regional cerebral blood flow (rCBF) when 8 normal right-handed males read and made acceptability judgments about sentences. rCBF was greater in Broca's area (particularly in the pars opercularis) when subjects judged the semantic plausibility of syntactically more-complex sentences as compared to syntactically less-complex sentences. rCBF was greater in left perisylvian language areas when subjects had to decide whether sentences were semantically plausible than when subjects had to decide whether syntactically identical sentences contained a nonsense word. The results of this experiment suggest that overall sentence processing occurs in regions of left perisylvian association cortex. The results also provide evidence that one particular aspect of sentence processing (the process that corresponds to the greater difficulty of comprehending center-embedded than right-branching relative clause sentences) is centered in the pars opercularis of Broca's area. Although it is impossible to ascertain with certainty what this process is, it is likely to be related to the greater memory load associated with processing center-embedded sentences. Prof Richard Hudson Tel: +44 171 387 7050 ext 3152 E-mail: r.hudson
ling.ucl.ac.uk Dept. of Phonetics and Linguistics Tel: +44 171 380 7172 Fax: +44 171 383 4108 UCL Gower Street London WC1E 6BT UK