Editor for this issue: <>
And how about FINE, meaning 1. meets minimum standards of acceptibility, possibly just barely 2. markedly better than the usual or HANDICAP, meaning 1. disadvantage in some context 2. advantage given to weaker competitor Jean Braithwaite University of MarylandMail to author|Respond to list|Read more issues|LINGUIST home page|Top of issue
Here are some explanations of three famous types of auto-antonymy. Bob Fradkin gives us the auto-antonymy of verbs of covering/uncovering, Chuck Bigelow follows the English blackening of Indo-European 'white', and David Gamon explores how modal expressions may come to mean their opposite. * * * Bob Fradkin (RAF100FMail to author|Respond to list|Read more issues|LINGUIST home page|Top of issueoduvm.cc.odu.edu) writes: DUST is part of a series of noun-verb conversions related to coverings of things. If the noun gives a covering that is natural to the thing, then the verb means "remove the covering." If the covering is imposed, the verb means "put the covering on." So you get "shell an egg" "peel a banana" but "paint the furniture" "wax the floor." Dust is interesting because it can go either way: "dust the furniture" (a sort of natural covering to be removed) vs. "dust the crops" (put stuff on them that they didn't have and wouldn't unless humans put it there). I mentioned this in my English grammar book "Stalking the Wild Verb Phrase" (Univ. Pr. of America 1991) at the end of Chp. 3. * * * Chuck Bigelow (bigelow
CS.Stanford.EDU) writes: )From historical linguistics, a well known example of a word's meaning shifting to its opposite is English "black", of which the Indo-European root is *bhel- 'to shine, flash, burn, be white' etc. Another modern reflex of *bhel is "bald" - 'having a shining or white head'. From a variant of *bhel-, *bhelg-/*bhleg- 'to shine, burn' comes Germanic *blakaz 'burned', and thence Old English "blaec" - 'black, that which has been burned'. Nifty. (I'm using Calvert Watkins' Dictionary of IE Roots, Houghton Mifflin, as reference.) * * * David Gamon (gamon
garnet.berkeley.edu) writes: Enantiodriomia refers to the diachronic process of acquiring an "opposite" meaning, and I suppose a word having two such meanings would be an enantiodrome. I learned this, by the way, from professor Matisoff here at Berkeley. ENANTIODROMIA OF MODALS/ATTITUDINALS The first example of such a word I had drawn to my attention is *doubt*, which historically has a meaning such that to DOUBT that something be true meant to SUSPECT it to be true. In some parts of northern England, I'm told, it still has this meaning. This was brought to my attention by Professor Bill Stewart at CUNY. Another example I'm familiar with is the English modal *must*, which is reconstructed as meaning "to have freedom or space"; the Gothic cognate meant "to be free or have permission (to do something)." There are two classes of explanation offered in the literature for this particular example of enantiodromia. First explanation: NEGATION DROPS OUT Klaren (1913) and Antinucci and Parisi (1971) propose that the semantic shift took place in a negative context, as follows: NEG (free to do X) --) compelled (NEG (do X)) Given the equivalence of a lack of freedom to do something and a compulsion to not do something, an innovative "compulsion" semantics was reanalyzed from the "freedom" semantics in a negative context with concomitant scope change of the negative operator. The reanalysis is made esepcially perspicuous given A & P's notation, which decomposes the older meaning of the modal (freedom/persmission) into the primes NEG (BIND (NEG)): if one is free to do something, then one is not bound to do it; if this is negated, the first two NEGs cancel out to leave only the narrow-scope NEG, with a resultant meaning of BIND NEG or "compelled not" with narrow-scope NEG, as follows: CAUSE (X) (NEG(NEG(BIND(NEG(John goes out))))) [=J. may not go out] ---) CAUSE (X) (BIND(NEG(John goes out))) [=John must not go out] The same sort of explanation could be applied in reverse to the German modal *duerfen*, which underwent a semantic shift from an original "necessity" or "compulsion" semantics (cf. mod. Germ. *beduerfen* "need, require," *duerftig* "needy, poor, lacking") to the modern "permission" meaning: BIND(NEG(do X)) --) NEG(FREE(do X)) However, the A&P notation fails to link the conservative and innovative senses in a natural manner. Second explanation: ANTITHETICAL NATURE OF MODALITY The other kind of explanation has been proposed by Breal (quoted in Bech 1951, p. 19), Visser (1963-73, p. 1797) and Traugott (1989), and basically proposes that permission is used as a polite way of imposing obligation, with the implication subsequently being semanticized, or the originally indirect speech act giving way to direct, conventionalized coding. One might see the same sort of shift occurring in present-day English in contexts that suggest that this sort of explanation may indeed be valid, as in "You may leave now." One can see from this, at least, that what counts as an "opposite" is largely a matter of the scale one implicitly chooses along which to arrange the items at issue, or the specific semantic prime upon which one chooses to focus. Also, one wouldn't even think of conceptualizing the innovative meaning as antonymous if most of the conservative meaning weren't being preserved intact. Another example is *prove*, which in Middle English meant something like "to test," or in a legal context, "to put on trial." When the expression "The exception proves the rule" was coined, it quite logically meant that an exception or counterexample to a generalization or claim makes you question the generalization or that the exception so to speak puts the rule on trial. As the verb *prove* shifted its meaning 180 degrees, the expression, illogical though it then became, was preserved simply because it's so handy--whenever someone presents counterevidence to your claim, you can write it off as "the exception that proves the rule"! (It's interesting, by the way, how many "folk" justifications there are of the sense of this idiom--but that's another story.) REFERENCES Antinucci, Francesco and Domenico Parisi (1971). On English modal verbs, CLS 7: 28-39. Bech, Gunnar (1951). Grundzuege der semantischen Entwicklungsgeschichte der hochdeutschen Modalverba. Copenhagen: Ejnar Munksgaard. Klaren, G.A. (1913). Die Bedeutungsentwicklung von KOENNEN, MOEGEN, und MUESSEN in Hochdeutschen. Umea: Aktiebolaget Umea Tryckerier. Traugott, Elizabeth C. (1989). On the rise of epistemic meanings in English: an example of subjectification in semantic change. Language 65: 31-55. Visser, Frederikus T. (1963-73). An historical syntax of the English language. 3 vols. Leiden: Brill.
Another example, known to devotees of The Times crossword, is 'cleave', which means both to adhere to and to divide (a cloven hoof, meat cleaver).Mail to author|Respond to list|Read more issues|LINGUIST home page|Top of issue