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Date mon.27 Feb 1995 >From August Cluver (cluveaddMail to author|Respond to list|Read more issues|LINGUIST home page|Top of issuealpha.unisa.za Subject linguistic human rights violations The debate on Latvia's language policy seems to be moving in a more general direction but one topic remains clear: when does a government violate the individual's language rights? Tove Skutnabb Kangas identified some of the language rights of a government: the state has the right to prescribe certain linguistic prerequisites for jobs in the official sector. But the most basic one is that the state has the right (in consultation with the population) to declare one or more national languages as official languages. How this consultation should take place is not at all clear. The question that I want to pose is: does it constitute a language violation if a government selects as only official language a non-indigenous language spoken by less than 5 percent of the population? In a small economy the government naturally tends to spend as much funds as possible on spreading the new official language so that very little funds remain for the development of the indigenous languages (this is related to the point made by Deborah Du Bartell). Thus, even though the indigenous languages may be declared as "national languages" and "part of our cultural heritage that must be cherished" they remain underdeveloped and cannot be effectively used outside the domains of the household and friendship circles. This leads to the perception that these languages are "incapable of expressing technical and scientific concepts". Once this perception becomes internalised as part of the subconscious set of language attitudes, we are at the beginning of a possible language shift cycle. There are various African countries that fit this model but the most recent one is the Republic of Namibia which introduced English as only official language. English became the language of liberation in Namibia but prior to independence it was spoken by a very small group (less than 5% of the total population) in fairly restricted domains, mainly in commerce and industry. The reasons why the existing official languages were unacceptable to the democratically elected government will take us into a debate other than this one on language violations by a government (of which the previous Namibian government was also guilty). The proceedings of the Third International Conference of the International Academy of Language Law was held in Pretoria in April 1992 and the proceedings is publishead as Prinsloo, K.P., Y. Peeters. J. Turi and C. van Rensburg (eds) 1993 Language, law and equality. Pretoria: University of South Africa. (price: $13,56). August Cluver, Department of Linguistics, University of South Africa, PO Box 392, Pretoria .
I think most of the participant intermixed two different levels. )From a linguist point of view, we are widely against any "normative" fonction and we back people who want to speak, print, film in any language they want. )From a political point of view, well, it depends on our own ideology. Is there anything wrong for a country to have an official language in which are printed the official papers (laws, jugements, correspondance between the "authority" and the individuals, etc.) ? Of course there is bilingual (and more e.g. Switzerland) countries but it is expensive to have every official document translated (the EEC have a huge budget for that) and not all countries are willing to spend money on that (don't you think that emerging countries have better things to do than translate in I-don't-know-how-many languages all their papers ?). For example, in France, since 1539 (Edit Villers-Cotteret) French is the official language of France thus replacing - at the time - Latin. There's still people speaking, writing, TV shows in Provencal, Breton, Alsacien, Corse, Basque but French is still the official language of France and one strong element of its unity (and culture ...). About the Litvian case, there's something more : Russian is not just a simple foreign language spoken by a large minority, it is the language of the former oppressor and, from my point of view, it changes a lot of thing. MarcMail to author|Respond to list|Read more issues|LINGUIST home page|Top of issue
James Kirchner writes/comments: )And further: When does accommodation of minority language speakers become unwieldy and absurd? Not a bad question. I don't know what language policies JFK international airport has, if any, but last August when I got off the plane, a Finnair flight direct from Helsinki, airport personnel shouted at us passengers in Spanish the directions to customs and passport control. No English at all. Being fatigued with jet-lag I remember just laughing at the absurdity of the situation. The Finns looked confused, if not startled, and of course had no idea (unless they could speak Spanish) what was going on. Being a good-samaritan-linguist I mentioned to the airport personnel that it was useless to speak Spanish to a planeload of passengers from Finland! Also, although no one from JFK probably reads our network, do you have to scream at us passengers, whatever the language?! Deborah Du Bartell, Ph.D. Linguistics Program Edinboro University of Pennsylvania Edinboro, PA 16444 USA 814-732-2736Mail to author|Respond to list|Read more issues|LINGUIST home page|Top of issue
The recent discussion raises a number of issues about "egalitarianism" in language policy. I think we have enough examples now to declare that egalitarianism in language policy does not result necessarily in equal outcomes. Examples: (1) Finland's lg. policy is pretty egalitarian, as described in the literature, anyway, but it does not result in Swedish holding its own; Swedish is losing speakers rapidly, and its speakership is aging rapidly (young speakers switchng to Finnish?). Swedish has some historic territories (Jakobstad, other coastal areas, islands) associated with it, but this may not be enough. (2) French in Canada, esp. in Quebec, is also threatened by an ocean of English speakers, both in Canada and in the US. Attempts to control domains for FRench only result in outcry from anglophone Canadians, but if Quebec were to allow equality of language, (i.e. egalitarianism) the result would be to the advantage of English. Quebecois see territorial guarantees as more important for survival of French than egalitarianism, because they know that egalitarianism alone won't work. (3) In Singapore, an egalitarian policy in language is leading to attrition for the Tamil minority, which weighs in at perhaps 4% (7% of the population is of Indian descent, but only 60% of them are Tamil speakers). Tamil is taught in schools and appears in public signage etc. but many Tamil speakers are losing their language and becoming English speakers. A housing policy that requires strict percentages of the population in each housing estate (77% Chinese, 14% Malay, 7% Indian) results in Indians (thusTamils) dispersed in housing, with no concentration of speakers anywhere. I.e. no territory belongs to Tamil. (4) Switzerland seems to maintain a balance at least for GErman and French, but Italian and Romansch are definitely disadvantaged, and Romansch is losing speakers. This with strict territoriality. It may be the case that a combination of factors, such as egalitarianism and territorial rights, may help to maintain a language, but if this isn't combined with a critical mass of speakers (who knows what this is, but 7% probably doesn't qualify) and maybe some other factors, egalitarian POLICIES alone will not do much. I realize it's fashionable to attack rights issues through the courts, and get "equal" rights enshrined in laws and constitutions etc. But rights alone won't do the trick (though it's being attempted both for minority lgs. in the US and for English, e.g English-only laws). Both approaches, I think, are doomed to failure, if we ignore demographics and other issues. Hal SchiffmanMail to author|Respond to list|Read more issues|LINGUIST home page|Top of issue