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Re: Comments by Vincent DeCaen on aspectual systems in UG, in connection with the review of my book "The Parameter of Aspect" This note is in response to the proposal for a binary aspectual parameter in UG, with values dependent on whether the progressive is expressed inflectionally or not. In my view, the proposal cannot be right. It considers only the progressive and perfective aspectual viewpoints, ignoring other imperfective viewpoints. There are such viewpoints, and they often contrast inflectionally with the perfective. This point is entirely lost in the proposed parameter. I am not convinced that a difference at the level of inflection is significant for the semantic analysis of aspectual systems. But even if inflection is taken as key, it's an over-simplification to deal only with the progressive. The basic contrast in aspectual systems is between perfective and imperfective viewpoints. The progressive is a type of imperfective aspectual viewpoint. Many languages have both an imperfective and a progressive viewpoint; some have only the former; some have only the latter. What has been proposed, more specifically, is a binary aspectual parameter for UG according to whether a language obligatorily expresses the progressive in a special construction, rather than inflectionally. The viewpoint which is expressed inflectionally is the default for a given language. DeCaen correctly notes that progressives are often periphrastic rather than inflectional. But other imperfectives tend to be expressed inflectionally, a fact which calls the whole enterprise into doubt. Mandarin Chinese and Navajo, for instance, are tenseless languages which have two imperfective viewpoints, one of them a progressive. Both languages have a commonly used imperfective which is expressed by inflectional morphemes and which contrasts with the perfective. In my view, there are important differences in range, or semantic space, for the aspectual viewpoints of a language. This is a grammatical matter, since it involves distribution, but it doesn't have to do with inflectional vs non-inflectional morphology. The question is whether one or both types of viewpoint are available for all situation types. The answer differs across languages, tensed and tenseless. For instance, in Russian the imperfective is available for all situation types, but the perfective is available only for non-statives, so the imperfective is the dominant viewpoint. English is the reverse: the progressive by definition is not available for non-statives, and the perfective is dominant. French has no dominant viewpoint because perfective and imperfective are available for all situation types. Navajo and Mandarin have no dominant viewpoint because perfective and imperfective are available for all non-stative situation types, and neither is available for statives. Note that such statements are only possible at a level of detail which considers both situation type and viewpoint. It's claimed that tenseless languages tend to default for the perfective, with Mandarin cited as a typical example. The idea is that the default viewpoint is expressed inflectionally and contrasts with the progressive. But Mandarin actually has 3 morphemes that appear verb-finally and that contrast with each other: -le and -guo, both perfectives; and -zhe, an imperfective. Since there is an inflectional contrast between perfective and imperfective, the binary account is simply incorrect for Mandarin; and for Navajo, and other tenseless languages. The approach thus fails to explain the many systems in which imperfective and perfective contrast inflectionally: a progressive-perfective binary split leaves out imperfectives which are not progressives. I should like to state briefly my own notion of aspectual default. I have suggested that some languages have a Neutral viewpoint: it arises by default in sentences that have no aspectual morpheme. The Neutral is thus a default aspectual viewpoint. Neutral viewpoints arise in the following circumstances: when viewpoint morphemes are optional,as in Mandarin; when a system has no aspectual morphemes in certain tenses,as in the French future; when a language has no grammaticized viewpoints, as in Finnish and Icelandic. The Neutral viewpoint differs from other viewpoints. I support this claim empirically with semantic tests in my book. I investigate the aspectual interpretations of sentences without an aspectual morpheme and show that their range of interpretation corresponds neither to the perfective nor the imperfective range. There is also a theoretical basis for the default neutral viewpoint. Viewpoint makes all or part of a situation available for semantic interpretation, so that every sentence must have an aspectual viewpoint. This notionn of default is based on the aspectual interpretation of sentences within a general theory of aspectual meaning. It is quite different from that of DeCaen, in which default seems close to the traditional notion of an unmarked, defeasible value. The role accorded to pragmatics differs in the DeCaen approach (which also draws on ideas of Cowper), and in my own, leading to some important theoretical differences. Consider the distinction between point and interval in aspectual viewpoints. Perfectives are often associated with punctuality, imperfectives with intervals. In my view the punctuality of the perfective is a matter of pragmatic not semantic meaning: it involves interpretation and context, cf the discussion in Smith 1991, chap 5; also Comrie, Lyons, Kamp (cited there). I do not think is's possible to maintain that perfectives are semanntically punctual. Therefore I reject the claim of DeCaen and Cowper thta one can identify a default viewpoint in an aspectual system according to the criterion of a two-valued semantic feature, punctual vs interval, and its inflectional or non-inflectional expression as an aspectual viewpoint. Finally, I would like to respond to the review of my book concerning the nature of an aspectual parameter. The dimensions along which aspectual systems vary constitute the different settings of the parameter.Mail to author|Respond to list|Read more issues|LINGUIST home page|Top of issue