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Basque may fairly be described as a language lacking grammatical gender. There is no trace of anything resembling gender distinctions or gender agreement such as is found in Indo-European or Bantu, and there is no sex-marking in pronouns. There are just two rather marginal phenomena that might be interpreted as traces of gender, if you're so inclined. First, animate NPs form their local cases slightly differently from inanimate NPs (though all non-local cases are formed identically). Second, when you address someone with the intimate second-person singular pronoun, and the agreement marker in the verb happens to be a suffix, there are distinct markers for male and female addressees. This doesn't happen when the marker is a prefix, or in the unmarked second-person singular, or indeed anywhere else in the language. Anyway, there aren't many people you can address with the intimate form: not even your spouse or your parents. Larry Trask COGS University of Sussex Brighton BN1 9QH England larrytMail to author|Respond to list|Read more issues|LINGUIST home page|Top of issuecogs.susx.ac.uk
Turkish and many (most?) of the Turkic languages lack gender in the pronominal system. In fact, in many of the Turkic languages, the third- person pronouns are actually demonstrative pronouns or are derived from them. There are, of course, gender-specific lexical items for things like 'woman' etc. Steve SeegmillerMail to author|Respond to list|Read more issues|LINGUIST home page|Top of issue
To my claim that Hungarian lacks gender distinction "halaszMail to author|Respond to list|Read more issues|LINGUIST home page|Top of issuekewszeg.norden1.com" wrote: > This not so; Hung. merely lacks masculine-feminine. It most definitly > distinguishes persons and things, and animals are made one or the other. > First of all, there are "ki" (who) and "mi" (what), bare "az" (that) is used > not of persons but only things and ideas, and there is a (partitiv?) construct > for a counted subject that is persons: > Ha'rman joettek. > Threely came-they. > Three (persons) came. > Ha'rom joett. > Three (things) came. > (An explicitly counted noun-phrase is always in the singular.) However, I would still claim that Hungarian lacks gender distinction: 1. The who-what dichotomy does not imply gender because Hung. "ki" ('who') and "mi" ('what') do not represent human vs. non-human + inanimate distinction. While the interrogative "ki" is indeed a pro- form for nouns denoting humans, "mi" (equivalent of Eng. "what") is not its counterpart in being a pro-form for nouns denoting non-humans and inanimate things exclusively. E.g. - What do you see? - I see two persons. (cf. - Who do you see? - *I see two tables. Consider also the following, where "what" is not a pro-form for nouns denoting non-humans and inanimate things: What are you doing? What does it mean? What do you think? etc. 2. Furthermore, the Hung. personal pronoun system does not distinguish between animate and inanimate. There is only one pronoun for 3rd pers. sg., namely "o" (with umlaut). It is true that this pronoun is almost exclusively used for animate things (mainly humans) but it has NO counterpart for non-humans and inanimate things. This seems to be a little "deficiency" of the language (just like all languages expose some kind of "deficiency" in certain areas when compared to others). The pronoun "az" (mentioned by "halasz
kewszeg.norden1.com") is not a personal pronoun but a demonstrative (meaning 'that') often used as a pro-form for nouns expressing non-human and inanimate things to make up for the lack of an appropriate personal pronoun. That "az" is a true demonstrative can be seen from the following: Whereas Hung. "o" (with umlaut) can always be used in the sense of "he" or "she", Hung. "az" would be very clumsy in many cases where English uses "it". In such cases the pro-form "az" is dropped as it would be most of the time anyway because the usage of personal pronouns is hardly ever obligatory in Hung., since the verb conjugation displays the person both of the subject and the object. E.g. "I saw a dog. It was very friendly." is never "Lattam egy kutyat. Az nagyon baratsagos volt." in Hung., but always "Lattam egy kutyat. Nagyon baratsagos volt." My explanation for this phenomenon is that a demonstrative functioning as a pro-form is not appropriate in this position because it would imply that another dog, i.e. "this" (Hung. "ez"), was unfriendly. 3. I don't think the modal-essive suffix -n is restricted to usage in connection with persons: E.g. both are correct with a slight difference in meaning: "A kiscicak harman vannak." (approx. 'The kittens are three.') and "Harom kiscica van." ('There are three kittens.') Gabor Gyori
> >Gabor Gyori writes: > This phenomenon is not just science fiction. Hungarian has no gender > specific pronouns, simply because it has no gender distinction at > all. Does anyone know about similar languages? (As far as I know this > goes for all Uralic and maybe also for the Turkic languages.) Many of the world's languges do not have the category of gender, neither in pronouns nor in agreement morphology. For an informal survey, cf. e.g. section 1.1 of Greville Corbett: "Gender" (1991). My impression is that typical SOV languages tend to lack gender altogether. In addition to the Uralic and Turkic languages that Gabor Gyori mentions, Basque is also an example, and Georgian is another. But also Japanese, Chinese, Vietnamese and other East Asian languages should be mentioned (depending on how one treats classifiers, which also subdivide nouns, originally with respect to some conceptual properties of their referents, but sometimes also arbitrarily. However, this kind of classification is not involved in any agreement relations, the latter being regarded as the decisive criterion for the category of gender in a language.) I think the basic question is not so much whether sex is differentiated morphologically, but rather if in general in the language there is an agreement feature which is *inherent* (as opposed to number, which usually is instantiated) to the noun or not. Here are some speculations on the correlation of having no gender with other properties: Most of the genderless languages are SOV and their morphology is "agglutinative", in traditional typological terms. The realisation of gender tends to be tied closely to the realisation of morphological case in the world's languages. Very often, the two categories are fused (often also including number). This has probably to do with the crucial role that case plays in NP-internal agreement (or concord). In the type of agglutinative SOV languages, hwoever, case is usually realised only once, i.e. mostly in phrase final position. This is due to its (often recent) grammaticalisation out of postpositions. Now if (i) case and gender should be realised simultaneously, (ii) gender (unlike case, which is relevant for linking from "outside" the DP!) is only conceivable in agreement constellations, i.e. involves a covariation of several items and (iii) case is, due to its non-inflectional status in these languages, realised only once, it follows that gender cannot be relevant for these languages. If it were, it would have to occur, e.g., on adjectives as well, but then it would be realised there independently of case. This might explain why these languages, which show rich morphology in other respects, typically lack gender. Some other reason must be given for the East Asian languages, of course. Another fact that seems to fit into the pattern is that Hungarian (and Georgian as well) does not mark plurality on the noun if a numeral precedes, i.e. another category of nouns can be realised only once in a DP. Do these ideas seem reasonable? Does anybody know of theoretical or empirical work pointing in this direction? Are there any serious counterexamples, i.e. SOV languages with the noun or a case particle in DP-final position which do have gender? Albert Ortmann Albert Ortmann Heinrich-Heine-Universitaet Duesseldorf Seminar fuer Allgemeine Sprachwissenschaft SFB-Projekt "Kongruenz" Universitaetsstr. 1 D-40225 Duesseldorf Tel.: 0211-311-5123 e-mail: ortmannMail to author|Respond to list|Read more issues|LINGUIST home page|Top of issueling.uni-duesseldorf.de